We will see, as we are currently seeing the character of those who support the alternative ISMs of BEING American.. Feminist lobby
Racists lobby
Homosexual lobby
Unions
ginned up Students
and all other Malcontents.....
Democrats Are Nervous
Working-class
white men used to go with the Democratic Party like hot dogs and
mustard. And now? Well, not so much. The complex political allegiances
of noncollege voters—and particularly noncollege white men—get less
attention than the rise of the Hispanic voter. The white working-class
percentage of the electorate may be on the decline, but white
working-class men remain a voting bloc neither party can afford to
ignore.Democrats have assembled a “Coalition of the Ascendant”—Hispanics, African-Americans, affluent white voters (especially women) and millennials—that has twice given Barack Obama the presidency. And his policies, from gay marriage and government regulation of the coal industry to opening doors to immigrants, have helped cement that coalition.
Indeed, the two biggest Supreme Court cases of the past two years involved the Obama administration fighting laws on behalf of that coalition—laws that President Bill Clinton enthusiastically signed: the Defense of Marriage Act and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, which were at the heart of the gay marriage and Hobby Lobby cases.
White noncollege voters aren’t all cultural conservatives, but they often lean that way—and Obama’s progressive politics have pushed them further away from the Democrats.thought of as loud-mouthed liberals).
One cultural marker was All in the Family in
the 1970s, the No. 1–rated TV show about an outer-borough New York
bigot wrestling with rapid changes in society. Archie Bunker’s
sentiments echoed the white working-class preoccupations of the time, as
did the blue-collar anti-busing protests in Boston.In the 1980s, the issues of income taxes, high crime rates and
devotion to the military led to the rise of the Ronald Reagan
Democrats—white working-class families, often ethnic and Catholic, who
were prepared to abandon the party of their parents and grandparent
In the 1990s, despite Clinton’s success at reaching some of these
lost Democratic voters, their drift rightward continued, with angry
white men fueling the 1994 Newt Gingrich small government–low taxes
revolution, a year after Newsweek ran a cover story on “White Male Paranoia.”
Since 2000, white working-class men have become so estranged from the party of the New Deal that in some states Obama won only 10 percent of their vote. (Overall, about a third of white working-class men gave Obama their support.)
And it’s not all racial. Democratic presidential candidates Al Gore, John Kerry and Obama each saw competitive or even Democratic states with lots of working-class whites—such as Arkansas and West Virginia—go into the Republican column. In 1994 and 2010, Republicans took back the House of Representatives in landslides in large part because white male working-class voters deserted the Democrats.
In 2010, for instance, success in rust belts in Ohio and Pennsylvania and in the rural South, among other regions, drove the Republicans who took the House from then Speaker Nancy Pelosi and the Democrats. In the 2012 election, Obama attracted fewer white voters than any Democratic candidate since the 1960s. And in the subset of working-class white men, he lost by a 31-point margin. But because noncollege whites have become an ever smaller part of the pie, Obama was able to win the election. Noncollege whites of both sexes constituted half of Clinton’s electoral strength in 1992, but made up only a quarter of Obama’s support in 2012.
This year the impact of white working-class voters looks likely to be amplified. In presidential voting years, minority voters come out in bigger numbers, diluting the impact of white working-class voters who may constitute a third of the electorate in an off year but only a quarter in a presidential election year.
That’s why so many Democrats are nervous about this fall.
A Sense of Aggrievement
If the prospect of higher white-working-class turnout wasn’t bad enough for Democrats this fall, the Senate battleground states—Louisiana, Montana, Kentucky, Arkansas, West Virginia, North Carolina, New Hampshire, Iowa, and Michigan—are thick with working-class whites. In West Virginia, a state so Democratic it went for President Jimmy Carter in the Reagan landslide of 1980, the Senate seat held by Jay Rockefeller is certain to go Republican, while a veteran Democratic House member, Nick Rahall, will be lucky to hang on to his seat, despite spending the past 20 years in Congress. Rahall is attacking the Koch brothers and “New York City money” to stay competitive—and that may not be enough.
For Republicans, the stakes are also high this fall. As minorities become an increasingly powerful part of the electorate, especially Democratic-leaning Hispanics, who gave 71 percent of their vote to Obama in 2012, working-class white men are losing clout. (Mitt Romney attracted a larger percentage of the white vote than Reagan did in 1980, but because the percentage of whites in the overall electorate has gone down, Obama became the first president since Dwight Eisenhower to win two elections with more than 51 percent of the popular vote.)
http://www.newsweek.com/2014/10/03/how-win-over-working-class-white-men-273001.html
Since 2000, white working-class men have become so estranged from the party of the New Deal that in some states Obama won only 10 percent of their vote. (Overall, about a third of white working-class men gave Obama their support.)
And it’s not all racial. Democratic presidential candidates Al Gore, John Kerry and Obama each saw competitive or even Democratic states with lots of working-class whites—such as Arkansas and West Virginia—go into the Republican column. In 1994 and 2010, Republicans took back the House of Representatives in landslides in large part because white male working-class voters deserted the Democrats.
In 2010, for instance, success in rust belts in Ohio and Pennsylvania and in the rural South, among other regions, drove the Republicans who took the House from then Speaker Nancy Pelosi and the Democrats. In the 2012 election, Obama attracted fewer white voters than any Democratic candidate since the 1960s. And in the subset of working-class white men, he lost by a 31-point margin. But because noncollege whites have become an ever smaller part of the pie, Obama was able to win the election. Noncollege whites of both sexes constituted half of Clinton’s electoral strength in 1992, but made up only a quarter of Obama’s support in 2012.
This year the impact of white working-class voters looks likely to be amplified. In presidential voting years, minority voters come out in bigger numbers, diluting the impact of white working-class voters who may constitute a third of the electorate in an off year but only a quarter in a presidential election year.
That’s why so many Democrats are nervous about this fall.
A Sense of Aggrievement
If the prospect of higher white-working-class turnout wasn’t bad enough for Democrats this fall, the Senate battleground states—Louisiana, Montana, Kentucky, Arkansas, West Virginia, North Carolina, New Hampshire, Iowa, and Michigan—are thick with working-class whites. In West Virginia, a state so Democratic it went for President Jimmy Carter in the Reagan landslide of 1980, the Senate seat held by Jay Rockefeller is certain to go Republican, while a veteran Democratic House member, Nick Rahall, will be lucky to hang on to his seat, despite spending the past 20 years in Congress. Rahall is attacking the Koch brothers and “New York City money” to stay competitive—and that may not be enough.
For Republicans, the stakes are also high this fall. As minorities become an increasingly powerful part of the electorate, especially Democratic-leaning Hispanics, who gave 71 percent of their vote to Obama in 2012, working-class white men are losing clout. (Mitt Romney attracted a larger percentage of the white vote than Reagan did in 1980, but because the percentage of whites in the overall electorate has gone down, Obama became the first president since Dwight Eisenhower to win two elections with more than 51 percent of the popular vote.)
http://www.newsweek.com/2014/10/03/how-win-over-working-class-white-men-273001.html
On a mission to take USA down A Train wreck...OR a Trojan Horse The Trojan Horse - Obama by definition The Shadow knows...shuck and jive...
http://www.blogtalkradio.com/tony-venuti/2010/10/06/tony-venuti--ex-conservative-radio-show Tony's AWESOME memes http://presumptivephilospher.blogspot.com/2015/04/tonys-awesome-memes.html |
Trump filling the VACUUM left by anti-americanists. Pro We the People
ReplyDeletehttp://comunistmanifesto101.blogspot.com/2016/01/trumpplaying-both-ends-against-middle.html