Joseph McCarthy
|
|
U.S. Senator from Wisconsin
From: January 3, 1947 – May 2, 1957
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Predecessor | Robert M. La Follette, Jr.
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Successor | William Proxmire
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Information |
Party
| Republican |
Spouse(s)
| Jean Kerr McCarthy |
Religion
| Roman Catholicism
|
Joe McCarthy (Joseph Raymond McCarthy, November 14, 1908 – May 2, 1957) was a two-term
Republican U.S. Senator from
Wisconsin. He dominated the anti-
communist movement in the U.S., 1950-54, until his career was ruined by censure by the Senate.
"McCarthyism" is the aggressive exposure of Communists influences in America and the people who protect them.
Beginning in 1950, McCarthy became the most visible public figure to object to
Communist infiltration of the
United States government. A 1954 Gallup poll found that Joe McCarthy was the fourth on its list of most admired men.
[1]He is now considered an American hero by many, though liberals still seek to tarnish his name.
He was noted for claiming that there were large numbers of
Communists and
Soviet
spies and sympathizers, engaged in a conspiracy to undermine the United
States, inside the federal government. He was proven correct by
government documents and inquiry, including decrypted
Venona files.
McCarthy lost support in 1953 when he started attacking the U.S. Army, and suggesting that Republican President
Dwight D. Eisenhower
was protecting subversives. Eisenhower signaled Republicans to stop his
attacks on the Army. McCarthy had strong support among Catholics, such
as
Joe Kennedy; In 1954 the Senate censured him for attacking fellow Senators, this caused his influence to collapse abruptly.
The term "
McCarthyism"
was coined in 1950 in reference to McCarthy's aggressive attempts to
ferret out suspects, occasionally in the absence of evidence.
|
Right Left paradigm = Good cop, Bad cop, SAME POLICE STATION |
Early life
Joseph McCarthy was born to a poor Irish Catholic farm family in
Appleton, Wisconsin. A hyperactive, extroverted youth, he dropped out
of school after eighth grade to start his own poultry business. After
the chickens all died, he enrolled in the local public high school.
Thanks to enormous energy and a retentive mind, he finished his
coursework in less than a year at age 20. After two undergraduate years
at Marquette University, a leading Jesuit school in Milwaukee, McCarthy
entered Marquette Law School, acquiring the rudiments of the profession
that he soon used to knit together a statewide network among Irish and
German Catholics. McCarthy was a practicing Catholic his entire life,
but rarely referred to religion or ethnicity in his speeches. He
actively supported President
Franklin D. Roosevelt in the Young Democrats, but did not join Irish organizations.
Although defeated in his 1936 race for district attorney,
McCarthy displayed remarkable campaign abilities and an astonishing
memory for faces. He had the energy and determination to meet every
voter in person, exuding charm and a concern for the voter as an
individual. The same tactics paid off in 1939, when he was successful
in a nonpartisan contest for a regional judgeship.
The youngest judge in state history, he worked long hours to
clear up a large backlog. He administered justice promptly and with a
combination of legal knowledge and good sense. He was still a Democrat,
but that party was very weak statewide at the time.
Military service
Joseph McCarthy in the U.S. Marine Corps
In 1942 McCarthy, volunteered for the Marines (as a judge he was
draft exempt), becoming an intelligence officer in an aviation unit
heavily engaged in combat in the South Pacific. Although assigned a
desk job McCarthy flew numerous combat missions as a tail gunner—he
exaggerated the number to qualify for a Distinguished Flying Cross.
During his 30 months of military service, McCarthy's record was unanimously praised by his commanding officers and Admiral
Chester Nimitz,
commander in chief of the Pacific Fleet. Admiral Nimitz issued the
following citation regarding the service of Captain McCarthy:
“
| For meritorious and
efficient performance of duty as an observer and rear gunner of a dive
bomber attached to a Marine scout bombing squadron operating in the
Solomon Islands area from September 1 to December 31, 1943. He
participated in a large number of combat missions, and in addition to
his regular duties, acted as aerial photographer. He obtained excellent
photographs of enemy gun positions, despite intense anti-aircraft fire,
thereby gaining valuable information which contributed materially to the
success of subsequent strikes in the area. Although suffering from a
severe leg injury, he refused to be hospitalized and continued to carry
out his duties as Intelligence Officer in a highly efficient manner. His
courageous devotion to duty was in keeping with the highest traditions
of the naval service.[2]
| ”
|
Elected to Senate, 1946
McCarthy had his name entered in the Republican primary for U.S.
Senate in 1944, opposing a well-entrenched incumbent Republican,
Alexander Wiley. The absentee war hero ran a strong second, making a
name for himself statewide and making himself available for the 1946
Senate contest.
Why McCarthy suddenly changed parties was never explained, but
prospects for ambitious Wisconsin politicians were dim inside the poorly
organized Democratic party, for most New Dealers supported the state’s
Progressive party. During the war, however, that party collapsed, torn
apart between its New Deal domestic liberalism, and its intensely
isolationist opposition to Roosevelt’s foreign policy. Increasingly
out of touch with Wisconsin, its leader
Robert LaFollette Jr. looked to his family’s past glories and made the blunder of trying for reelection to the Senate in 1946 as a Republican.
"Tail Gunner Joe," as his posters called him, endlessly
crisscrossed Wisconsin while LaFollette remained in Washington, offered
an alternative in the Republican primary to old guard Republicans who
had opposed the Lafollettes for a half century. McCarthy brilliantly
captured the frustrations citizens felt about massive strikes, unstable
economy, price controls, severe shortages of housing and meat, and the
growing threat of from the far left in the CIO. He nipped LaFollette in
the primary. The slogan “Had Enough?—Vote Republican” gave the
Republicans a landslide all across the North, electing a new junior
senator from Wisconsin.
Communist Issue
In Washington, McCarthy was a mainstream conservative in domestic
policy, and, like many veterans, was an internationalist in foreign
affairs, supporting the
Marshall Plan and
NATO. His speeches rarely mentioned domestic Communism or flaming issues like the
Alger Hiss espionage case, but that suddenly changed in early 1950 when his vivid
anti-Communist
rhetoric drew national attention. "The issue between the Republicans
and Democrats is clearly drawn. It has been deliberately drawn by those
who have been in charge of twenty years of treason.” Alleging there
were many card-carrying Communists in
Harry S. Truman’s
State Department, McCarthy forced a Senate investigation led by Millard
Tydings, Democrat of Maryland. McCarthy named numerous suspect
diplomats but failed to convince the three Democrats on the panel; they
concluded his allegations were “a fraud and a hoax,” while the two
Republicans dissented. McCarthy retaliated by campaigning against
Tydings, who was defeated for reelection in November, 1950. What the
senator himself called McCarthyism was a factor in key races across the
country; all his candidates won and his stock soared. A few weeks later
American forces were crushed by the Chinese in Korea, and in spring 1951
Truman tried to shift the blame by firing General
Douglas MacArthur.
Support from Catholics and Kennedys
The great majority of Catholics were anti-Communist, but they were
also loyal Democrats, so to enlarge his base McCarthy, a Republican,
needed an alliance with anti-Communist Catholics.
[3] The Catholic bishops and the Catholic press was "among McCarthy's most fervid supporters."
[4] A major connection was with the powerful Kennedy family, which had very high visibility among all Catholics in the Northeast.
[5] Well before he became famous McCarthy became closely associated with
Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr..
He was a frequent guest at the Kennedy compound in Hyannis Port, and at
one point dated Joe's daughter Patricia. After McCarthy became
nationally prominent Kennedy was a vocal supporter, and helped build
McCarthy's popularity among Catholics. Kennedy contributed cash and
encouraged his friends to give money. Some historians have argued that
in the Senate race of 1952, Joe Kennedy and McCarthy made a deal that
McCarthy would not make campaign speeches for the Republican ticket in
Massachusetts, and in return, Congressman
John F. Kennedy would not give anti-McCarthy speeches. In 1953 McCarthy hired
Robert Kennedy
as a senior staff member. When the Senate voted to censure McCarthy in
1954, Senator Kennedy was in the hospital and never indicated then or
later how he would vote; he told associates he could not vote against
McCarthy because of the family ties.
[6]
Political dominance
In 1950, McCarthy discussed his upcoming 1952 campaign with three
fellow Catholics (Father Edmund A. Walsh and Charles H. Kraus of
Georgetown University and Washington attorney Wiliam A. Roberts).
Kraus had recommended Father Walsh's recent books dealing with Communism
to McCarthy, and was hoping to interest McCarthy in the problems of
Communism in the world. McCarthy's reputation among the voters was not
good at that time, due to various ethical and tax violation problems,
and he needed an issue that would help improve his chances of
re-election. He latched enthusiastically onto the idea of attacking
Communists in the government.
[7]
Subsequently, McCarthy called Willard Edwards of the Chicago
Tribune asking for assistance with a speech on Communism. Edwards sent
some materials, including a copy of a letter written on July 26, 1946,
by James F. Byrnes, Secretary of State under Truman. This letter was
the central support for McCarthy's subsequent claims to have a list of
Communists in the government.
"Pursuant to Executive Order, approximately 4,000 employees have
been transferred... Of those 4,000 employees, the case histories of
approximately 3,000 have been subjected to a preliminary examination, as
a result of which a recommendation against permanent employment has
been made in 284 cases by the screening committee... Of the 79 actually
separated from the service, 26 were aliens and therefore under
"political disability" with respect to employment in the peacetime
operations of the Department. I assume that factor alone could be
considered the principal basis for their separation."
This document was repeatedly cited by McCarthy as the basis for his accusations; unfortunately, there was no list at that time.
McCarthy now became one of the dominant leaders in American
politics, with strong support among both Republicans and Catholic
Democrats, as he alleged that Truman’s top people had betrayed America.
He singled out Secretary of State
Dean Acheson and Secretary of Defense
George Marshall.
Liberals were aghast; Truman had picked General Marshall to head the
State and Defense departments precisely because he thought the elderly
statesman would always be above criticism, no matter that China turned
from a staunch ally to a bitter enemy on his watch. McCarthy’s
blistering attacks on Marshall as “part of a conspiracy so immense, an
infamy so black, as to dwarf any in the history of man” fueled the
belief he was a wild-man, a pathological liar who overstepped the bounds
of political discourse.
With
Dwight D. Eisenhower
crusading against “Korea, Communism and Corruption” in 1952, Republican
victory was assured. As a senior member of the majority party
McCarthy for the first time became a committee chairman, with control of
staffing and agenda. He used his Government Operations Committee to
open highly publicized hearings in 1953-54 alleging disloyalty in the
State Department, the CIA, the US Information Agency, and finally the
Army. His furious attacks on the Army led to the televised
“Army-McCarthy” hearings in spring, 1954, which exposed his bullying
tactics to a national audience. As McCarthy’s poll rating plunged, his
enemies finally pulled together to introduce a censure resolution
focused on McCarthy’s contempt for the federal government, and
especially for his fellow senators.
Backlash
McCarthy’s charges that over-educated liberals tolerated Communism at
home and abroad had stung the liberals. He alleged that they had
corruptly sold out the national interest to protect their upper class
privileges, and were so idealistic about world affairs that they
radically underestimated the threat posed by Stalin, his spies, and the
worldwide Communist movement. Instead of refuting the allegations,
Liberals tried one of two approaches. Some became intensely
anti-Communist and claimed they were more effective than McCarthy and
the Republicans in eliminating Communism in the unions and Democratic
party, and in containing the Stalinist menace in Europe. The other
approach was to counterattack, to charge that “McCarthyism” never found a
single spy but hurt innocent people in hunting for nonexistent witches;
thus it represented an evil betrayal of American values. In an appeal
to upscale conservatives and liberal intellectuals, critics ignored the
Communist infiltration of labor unions and liberal causes and focused on
stereotyping anticommunists as ill-mannered ignorant troglodytes,
oblivious to American traditions of free speech and free association.
McCarthy’s exaggerations and false charges encouraged opponents to
stress the second approach, but it escalated the controversy to a pitch
of hatreds and fears unprecedented since the days of reconstruction.
Loss of influence
McCarthy’s superb sense of timing and his media instincts kept his
partisan attacks on the front page every day; his willingness to do
battle in the hustings with Democratic opponents across the country
strengthened his base in the Republican party. His religion and
ethnicity, refreshed with highly visible friendships with leading Irish
Catholics, especially the Kennedy family, bolstered his standing among
Democrats. According to Gallup, McCarthy’s popularity crested in
January 1954, when he was endorsed by all voters 50-29 (with 21 having
no opinion). His core support came from Republicans and Catholics who
had not attended college.
McCarthy, however, failed to create any sort of grass roots
organization. He had no organizational skills; he did not effectively
use his talented staffers (such as
Robert Kennedy).
He was a loner who lurched from issue to issue, misled by the enormous
media publicity into believing that a one-man crusade was possible in a
an increasingly well-educated complex society honeycombed with local,
regional and national organizations. By operating within the Republican
party apparatus he lost the opportunity to create an independent grass
roots political crusade in the style of Teddy Roosevelt, Huey Long, or
Ross Perot. He never launched his own magazine or radio show or formed
alliances with publishers who agreed with him.
McCarthy’s strained relations with Senate colleagues created a
trapdoor. It was sprung after many Republicans realized that he had
shifted the attack away from the Democrats. What use was his slogan “20
Years of Treason” once Eisenhower was in office? McCarthy’s answer was
“21 Years of Treason!” Eisenhower’s supporters could no longer tolerate
such a loose cannon, and as McCarthy unwisely shifted his attacks to
Eisenhower’s beloved Army, his cause was doomed. While many Americans
distrusted Ivy League, striped pants diplomats, soldiers were held in
high regard; McCarthy’s charges of subversion were flimsy (one Communist
dentist had been automatically promoted); he sabotaged his own
reputation by finagling favors for an aide who had been drafted. The
televised hearings proved fatal to an ill-prepared bully. After the
Democrats regained control of Congress in the 1954 the censure motion
carried, 67-22. McCarthy’s appeal, so widespread yet superficial,
evaporated overnight and the Senator faded into the shadows.
The term "McCarthyism" a fake narrative
McCarthy is permanently associated with "McCarthyism" -- he did not
coin the term but he did use it, to mean an aggressive attack on
Communists who had infiltrated America, and on the liberals who
protected them, without regard for due process. Although the left was
unable to make heroes of the people who supported and sometimes were
controlled by Stalin, they did make heroes of opponents of McCarthy,
painting him as the internal menace to American values that was far
worse than Communist subversion. Schrecker (1998) sees McCarthyism as
anti-Communist political repression of the early Cold War, and explores
its mechanisms through, and what she considers the exaggerated public
fears on which it depended. During the 1940s-1950s, McCarthyism took on a
variety of forms with an array of agendas, interested parties, and
modes of operating. Despite its widespread and popular character, it
started with the federal government and was driven by a network of
dedicated anti-Communist crusaders such as J. Edgar Hoover.
McCarthyism's repression both responded to and helped create widespread
fears of a significant threat to national security.
Margaret Chase Smith,
Republican senator from Maine, gained a national reputation as one of
the earliest critics McCarthyism with a Senate speech on June 1, 1950,
called "the Declaration of Conscience." It was an attempt by Smith to
address the excesses of McCarthyism, and was widely hailed as a call to
reason by McCarthy's opponents. Smith gave a critique of the American
political process and political institutions in the responses to dissent
on the left and the right. Smith, like other McCarthy critics, sought
to bring a level of civility to political protest and dissent. She and
many others who objected to the tactics of McCarthy actually believed in
the underlying tenets of his anti-Communist crusade. Their responses to
his excesses reflected a desire to narrow the scope of acceptable
political dissent.
[8]
Impact on government
Rausch (2000) argues McCarthy's campaign had a lasting impact on the
conduct of U.S. foreign relations, particularly among professional
diplomatic institutions like the State Department and its Foreign
Service personnel, and McCarthyism did not disappear with the senator's
censure in 1954. The "ism" in a broad sense was a set of ideas not only
about internal subversion but also about the outside world, including a
simplistic, isolationist anti-communism and a deep suspicion about
social reform movements abroad. It stood in open opposition to a more
complex, even accommodating, view of communism. Instead of ending the
hunt for subversives begun under Truman, Eisenhower made the search
systematic, universal, and more broadly defined. McCarthyist Scott
McLeod took over security and personnel functions of the State
Department and became one of the most famous and despised men in the
executive branch. McLeod brought McCarthyist methods and assumptions to
bear in ridding the department of what he defined as security risks.
Oral history sources provide key evidence for the destructive atmosphere
within the department in these years, and they shed valuable light on
McLeod's impact on the foreign affairs bureaucracy. In the short term,
the Foreign Service declined in morale, prestige, and influence. By
1954, professionally trained diplomacy, with nuanced, internationalist
views lost ground to more simplistic, strictly anticommunist views.
During Eisenhower's second term, the Foreign Service and the more
moderate approach experienced a resurgence but still faced opposition
from hard- liners who survived the McCarthy years. The Latin American
branch of the department embodied the changes in professional diplomacy
towards one region of the world. Within the division were the
institutionalized tensions of the Eisenhower administration, between
career diplomats and political appointees, conservative and moderate
anti-communists, and trained diplomats and other specialists. The U.S.
embassy in Cuba showed this internal conflict in a microcosm, as the
administration's response to Latin American revolution evolved after
1954. McCarthyism accompanied Eisenhower into office, and its effects
continued into his last foreign policy crisis and beyond.
In California McCarthyism began before the Senator was famous. In
1946 in the Los Angeles schools two teachers from Canoga Park High
School were called before the Tenney Senate Investigating Committee on
charges of communistic teaching. The two teachers were exonerated of all
charges, but a campaign to rid the LA district of dissident teachers
was effectively launched. The target of the campaign was a group of
teachers who belonged to the Los Angeles Federation of Teachers (LAFT),
formerly known as Union Local 430 and chartered under the American
Federation of Teachers, until 1948, when the AFT revoked the charter. By
1954, Los Angeles teachers were required to take five loyalty oaths,
although not one teacher was ever charged with or convicted of
subversion. In 1953, the Los Angeles City School Board announced that
304 teachers were to be investigated because of alleged Communist
affiliations. The Dilworth Oath, made law in 1953, required teachers to
answer questions posed to them by the Investigating Committees. Teachers
who refused to answer the Committee questions by claiming their Fifth
Amendment rights could then be fired by the Board for insubordination.
[9]
Media and popular culture
Historians have debated the degree to which McCarthyism permeated the
American mood and popular culture. Anti-Communist liberals at the time
said it played to isolationism (especially strong in McCarthy's
Wisconsin) by diverting attention away from the real threat, Stalin's
Soviet Union as an external power. The Left said that they had a First
Amendment right to their beliefs and that McCarthyism had a chilling
effect. Dussere (2003) shows that comic strip artist Walt Kelly in
"Pogo" parodied McCarthyism and promoted leftist politics as
old-fashioned American common sense, representing a time when concerns
about art and politics with respect to popular culture were in the
forefront.
Hoover's FBI targeted retired film comedian
Charlie Chaplin
because of his status as a cultural icon and as part of its broader
investigation of Hollywood. Some of Chaplin's films were considered
"Communist propaganda," but because Chaplin was a British citizen and
was not a member of the Communist Party, he was not among those
investigated by the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1947.
Nevertheless, he was vulnerable to protests by the American Legion and
other patriotic groups because of both his sexual and political
unorthodoxy. Although countersubversives succeeded in driving Chaplin
out of the U.S., they failed to build a consensus that Chaplin was a
threat to the nation. Chaplin's story testifies to both the power of the
countersubversive campaign at mid-century and to some of its
limitations.
[10]
Strout (1999) looks at
The Christian Science Monitor during the McCarthy era (1950-1954); it was a highly influential newspaper at home and abroad. Strout asks: (1) Was the
Monitor
a consistent critic of McCarthy? (2) How did the coverage compare to
other elite and popular press newspapers? (3) How did the pressures
associated with McCarthyism effect individuals at the
Monitor and
its news product? An extensive review of editorials and news articles
suggests that it was thorough and fair in reporting, yet outspoken and
responsible in editorial criticism.
Mary Baker Eddy's
original 1907 statement that, "The purpose of the Monitor is to injure
no man, but to bless all mankind," was referred to repeatedly in
interoffice correspondence during the McCarthy era. The
Monitor
did not attack McCarthy personally as other paper's did, rather, its
criticism centered on the actions of the senator and the negative
effects they were having at home and abroad. The
Monitorserved as
a voice of moderation, yet at the same time, remained a persistent
critic of McCarthy's tactics. Individuals were affected by the
pressures of McCarthyism. For instance, veteran Washington correspondent
Richard L. Strout was suspended from covering McCarthy for eight to 12
months after being mentioned in McCarthy's book,
McCarthyism: The Fight for America.
I have in my hand...
FBI
Master Chart of distribution in 1945-46 of investigative reports to the
White House, Attorney General, and employing agencies of Communist
agents in the Federal government.
It was McCarthy's charges of Communist, security, and loyalty risk
infiltration of the State Department that shot him into prominence in
1950. At a Lincoln Day speech, on February 9, 1950, before the
Republican Women's Club of Wheeling, West Virginia, at the Colonnade
Room of Wheeling's McClure Hotel, he stated:
“
| I have in my hand 57
cases of individuals who would appear to be either card carrying members
or certainly loyal to the Communist Party, but who nevertheless are
still helping to shape our foreign policy. [11][12][13][14][15]
| ”
|
McCarthy compiled a list of 57 security risks and publicly named John S. Service, Gustavo Duran,
Mary Jane Keeney, Harlow Shapley, and
H. Julian Wadleigh [16] as being on the list.
[17]
These names came from the "Lee List" of unresolved State Department
security cases compiled by the earlier investigators for the House
Appropriates Committee in 1947. Robert E. Lee was the committee’s lead
investigator and supervised preparation of the list.
[18]
In a six hour speech on the Senate floor on February 20, 1950 in
which McCarthy was constantly interrupted by hostile senators; four of
whom -- Scott Lucas (61 times), Brien McMahon (27 times), Garrett
Withers (22 times), and Herbert Lehman (13 times) -- interrupted him a
total of 123 times, McCarthy raised the issue of some eighty individuals
who had worked in the
State Department, or wartime agencies such as the
Office of War Information (OWI) and the
Board of Economic Warfare (BEW).
McCarthy sought to avoid naming names publicly when possible,
using numbered cases instead of names in public session. He preferred to
name his suspects only in executive session, in order to protect those
who might have been erroneously identified by the FBI, State Department
Security, Army counterintelligence, etc. "[I]t would be improper to make
the names public until the appropriate Senate committee can meet in
executive session and get them," explained McCarthy. "If we should label
one man a Communist when he is not a Communist I think it would be too
bad."
But when McCarthy began reading his numbered cases to the Senate,
the Majority Leader, Senator Scott Lucas (D-IL), interrupted, "I want
him to name those Communists." In response to McCarthy's desire not to
name names publicly in order to protect the innocent, Lucas bizarrely
referred to the fact that statements in Congress are privileged against
defamation suits, saying, "if those people are not Communists the
senator will be protected."
[19] (This was hardly germane: McCarthy's expressed concern was not about protecting
himself, but protecting
suspects who might be innocent.) McCarthy responded:
“
| The Senator from
Illinois demanded, loudly, that I furnish all the names. I told him at
that time that so far as I was concerned, I thought that would be
improper; that I did not have all the information about these
individuals ... I have enough to convince me that either they are
members of the Communist Party or they have given great aid to the
Communists: I may be wrong. That is why I said that unless the Senate
demanded that I do so, I would not submit this publicly, but I would
submit it to any committee -- and would let the committee go over these
in executive session. It is possible that some of these persons will get
a clean bill of health...
| ”
|
Sen. William Benton (D-CT) introduced a bill to eject McCarthy from
the Senate. His first charge was that at Wheeling, McCarthy had said
that he had a list of 205 names, rather than 57 names. The Senate (then
under Democrat control) sent staff investigators to Wheeling to try to
substantiate Benton's charges. The investigation found no evidence to
support Benton's charge. According to one investigator:
“
| The newly unearthed
evidence demolished Senator Benton’s charges in all their material
respects and thoroughly proved Senator McCarthy’s account of the facts
to be truthful.[20]
| ”
|
Senate Democrats quietly buried the 44-page staff memo summarizing
these findings, but the charge that McCarthy had said “205” was likewise
dropped. Thus the Congressional Record to this day records that
McCarthy said "57," not "205." Nevertheless, many on the left continue
to promote Benton's discredited claim as gospel.
[21]
Benton made this allegation only about McCarthy's speech in Wheeling, WV
and not in the other cities where he made the speech. The 205 number
actually came in another part of his speech; on February 20, 1950, in a
speech made on the floor of the Senate, McCarthy officially clarified
the issue:
“
| I have before me a
letter which was reproduced in the Congressional Record on August 1,
1946, at page A4892. It is a letter from James F. Byrnes, former
Secretary of State. It deals with the screening of the first group, of
about 3,000. There were a great number of subsequent screenings. This
was the beginning.
The letter deals with the first group of 3,000 which was screened.
The President--and I think wisely so--set up a board to screen the
employees who were coming to the State Department from the various war
agencies of the War Department. There were thousands of unusual
characters in some of those war agencies. Former Secretary Byrnes in his
letter, which is reproduced in the Congressional Record, says this:
Pursuant to Executive order, approximately 4,000 employees
have been transferred to the Department of state from various war
agencies such as the OSS, FEA, OWI, OIAA, and so forth. Of these 4,000
employees, the case histories of approximately 3,000 have been subjected
to a preliminary examination, as a result of which a recommendation
against permanent employment has been made in 285 cases by the screening
committee to which you refer in your letter.
In other words, former Secretary Byrnes said that 285 of those
men are unsafe risks. He goes on to say that of this number only 79 have
been removed. Of the 57 I mentioned some are from this group of 205,
and some are from subsequent groups which have been screened but not
discharged.
I might say in that connection that the investigative agency of the
State Department has done an excellent job. The files show that they
went into great detail in labeling Communists as such. The only trouble
is that after the investigative agency had properly labeled these men as
Communists the State Department refused to discharge them. I shall give
detailed cases.[22]
| ”
|
McCarthy was able to characterize President Truman and the Democratic
Party as soft on or even in league with the Communists. McCarthy's
allegations were rejected by Truman who was unaware of
Venona project decrypts which corroborated
Elizabeth Bentley's debriefing after her defection from the Communists.
McCarthy's support and popularity peaked in early 1954 when a
January 1954 Gallup Poll showed that 50 percent of the respondents had a
generally "favorable opinion" of him.
[23]
On March 9, 1954, CBS broadcasted
Edward R. Murrow's
See It Now TV documentary attacking McCarthy.
VENONA files
In 1995, when the VENONA transcripts were declassified, further
detailed information was revealed about Soviet espionage in the United
States. FBI Director
J. Edgar Hoover
was among only a handful of people in the U.S. Government who was aware
of the Venona project, and there is no indication whatsoever Hoover
shared Venona information with McCarthy. In fact, Hoover may have
actually fed McCarthy
disinformation,
or dead end files, in an effort to put pressure on relatives, friends,
or close associates of real Venona suspects by threatening to reveal
embarrassing information about them in a public forum if they failed to
cooperate and reveal what they might have known about someone's else’s
activities and associations.
[24][25] And there is no indication McCarthy might have known he was being used by Hoover in this way.
On February 7, 1950, three days before McCarthy's acclaimed
Wheeling West Virginia speech, Hoover testified before House
Appropriations Committee that
counterespionage
requires "an objective different from the handling of criminal cases.
It is more important to ascertain his contacts, his objectives, his
sources of information and his methods of communication" as "arrest and
public disclosure are steps to be taken only as a matter of last
resort." He concluded that "we can be secure only when we have a full
knowledge of the operations of an espionage network, because then we are
in a position to render their efforts ineffective."
[26]
McCarthy is said to have made the claim, "I have here in my hand a
list of 205—a list of names that were made known to the Secretary of
State as being members of the Communist Party." The famous "List", as it
has come to be known, has always engendered much controversy. The
figure of 205 appears to have come from an oral briefing McCarthy had
with Hoover regarding espionage suspects the FBI was then investigating.
The FBI had discovered on its own five Soviet agents operating in the
United States during World War II; defector Elizabeth Bentley further
added another 81 known identities of espionage agents; Venona materials
had provided the balance, and by the time a full accounting of true name
identities was compiled in an FBI memo in 1957, one more subject had
been added to the number, now totaling 206.
[27]
Much confusion has always surrounded the subject. While the
closely guarded FBI/Venona information of identified espionage agents
uses the number of 206, McCarthy in his Wheeling speech only referred to
Communist Party membership and other security risks, and not espionage
activity. Being a security risk as a CPUSA member does not necessarily
entail or imply that a person was or is actively involved in espionage
activity. Venona materials indicated a very large number of espionage
agents remained unidentified by the FBI. When McCarthy was questioned
on the number, he referred to the Lee List of security risks, by which
it appears Hoover was attempting to match unidentified code names to
known security risks. Hoover kept the identities of persons known to be
involved in espionage activity from Venona evidence secret. Hoover in
the very early days of the FBI's joint investigation with the
Army Signals Intelligence Service in May of 1946 did precisely the same deception with a confidant of
President Truman
using Venona decryptions. Hoover reported that a reliable source
revealed “an enormous Soviet espionage ring in Washington.” Of some
fourteen names,
Soviet agents Alger Hiss and
Nathan Gregory Silvermaster were listed well down the list. The name at the top was “Undersecretary of State
Dean Acheson”
and included others beyond reproach, thus discrediting the Hiss and
Silvermaster accusations, which actually were on target. Hence the
Truman White House always suspected Hoover and the FBI of playing
partisan political games with accusations of various administration
members’ complicity in Soviet espionage.
[28][29]
The Venona project specifically references at least 349
pseudonyms in the United States—including citizens, immigrants, and
permanent residents—who cooperated in various ways with Soviet
intelligence agencies, however not all were ever identified. In public
hearings before the
Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations
(PSI) conducted by McCarthy, 83 persons plead the fifth amendment right
against self incrimination. An additional 9 persons refused to testify
on constitutional grounds in private hearings, and their names were not
made public.
[30] Of the 83 persons pleading the fifth amendment, several have been identified by
NSA and
FBI as agents of the Soviet Union in the
Venona project involved in espionage. Several prominent examples are:
- Mary Jane Keeney, a United Nations employee, and her husband Philip Keeney, who worked in the Office of Strategic Services;[31]
- Lauchlin Currie, a special assistant to President Roosevelt;[32]
- Virginius Frank Coe [33],
Director of Division of Monetary Research, U.S. Treasury; Technical
Secretary at the Bretton Woods Conference; International Monetary Fund;
- William Ludwig Ullman [34], delegate to the United Nations Charter Conference and Bretton Woods Conference;
- Nathan Gregory Silvermaster [35],
Chief Planning Technician, Procurement Division, United States
Department of the Treasury and head of the Silvermaster network of
spies;
- Harold Glasser, U.S. Treasury Representative to the Allied High Commission in Italy;
- Four staff members of the LaFollette Civil Liberties Committee, a Senate subcommittee on labor rights;
- Allan Rosenberg, Chief of the Economic Institution Staff, Foreign Economic Administration; Counsel to the National Labor Relations Board;
- Solomon Adler, U.S. Treasury Dept., went to China and joined government of Mao Zedong;
- Robert T. Miller,
Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs; Near Eastern
Division United States Department of State; also identified in the Gorsky Memo from Soviet Archives; McCarthy's Case #16 and Lee list #12;[36]
- Franz Leopold Neumann,
consultant at Board of Economic Warfare; Deputy Chief of the Central
European Section of Office of Strategic Services; First Chief of
Research of the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal; also identified in the Gorsky Memo from Soviet Archives;
- Laurence Duggan, head of United States Department of State Division of American Republics; [37]
- Leonard Mins, [38] Russian Section of the Research and Analysis Division of the Office of Strategic Services;
- Cedric Belfrage [39], British Security Coordination; founder the National Guardian.
- Gerald Graze, U.S. State Department; Lee List #29, confirmed in the Gorsky Memo from Soviet Archives, brother of Stanley Graze;
- Sergey Nikolaevich Kurnakov, Daily Worker; [40]
- David Karr, Office of War Information; chief aide to journalist Drew Pearson.
Venona transcripts confirm the Senate Civil Liberties
Subcommittee, chaired by former Senator Robert LaFollette, Jr., whom
McCarthy defeated for election in 1946, had at least four staff members
working on behalf of the
KGB. Chief Counsel of the Committee
John Abt;
Charles Kramer, who served on three other Congressional Committees; Allen Rosenberg, who also served on the
National Labor Relations Board,
Board of Economic Warfare (BEW), the
Foreign Economic Administration (FEA) and later argued cases before the United States Supreme Court; and
Charles Flato, who served on the BEW and FEA, all were
CPUSA members and associated with the
Comintern.
While the underlying premise of Communists in the government was
true, many of McCarthy's targets were not complicit in espionage.
Recent scholarship has established of 159 persons investigated between
1950 and 1952, there is substantial evidence nine had assisted Soviet
espionage using evidence from Venona or other sources. Of the
remainder, while not being directly complicit in espionage, many were
considered security risks.
[41]
Known security/loyalty risks
In June 1947, a Senate Appropriations subcommittee addressed a secret
memorandum to Secretary of State George Marshall, calling to his
attention a condition that developed and was continuing in the State
Department. The memo stated that
“
| it was evident there
was a deliberate, calculated program being carried out not only to
protect communist personnel in high places, but to reduce security and
intelligence protection to a nullity. On file in the department is a
copy of a preliminary report of the FBI on Soviet espionage activities
in the United States which involved a large number of State Department
employees, some in high official positions.
| ”
|
Robert E. Lee was the committee’s lead investigator and supervised
preparation of the list. The Lee list, also using numbers rather than
names, was published in the proceeding of the subcommittee.
[42]
The memorandum listed the names of nine State Department
officials and said that they were "only a few of the hundreds now
employed in varying capacities who are protected and allowed to remain
despite the fact that their presence is an obvious hazard to national
security." Ten persons were removed from the list by June 24th. But
from 1947 until McCarthy's Wheeling speech in February 1950, the State
Department did not fire one person as a loyalty or security risk.
[43]
In other branches of the government, however, more than 300 persons
were discharged for loyalty reasons alone during the period from 1947 to
1951.
Most but not all of Senator McCarthy’s numbered cases were drawn
from the “Lee List” or “108 list” of unresolved Department of State
security cases compiled by Lee for the House Appropriates Committee in
1947.
[44] The Tydings subcommittee also obtained this list. In addition to some of the person involved in espionage identified in the
Venona project
listed above, there are other security and loyalty risks identified
correctly by Senator McCarthy included in the following list:
- Robert Warren Barnett & Mrs. Robert Warren Barnett, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #48 and #49 respectively and both are on Lee list as #59;[45]
- Esther Brunauer, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #47 and Lee list #55;[46]
- Stephen Brunauer, U.S. Navy, chemist in the explosive research division;[47]
- Gertrude Cameron, Information and Editorial Specialist in the U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #55 and Lee list #65;[48][49]
- Nelson Chipchin, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's list #23;[50]
- Oliver Edmund Clubb, U.S. State Department;[51]
- John Paton Davies, U.S. State Department, Policy Planning Committee;[52]
- Gustavo Duran,
U.S. State Department, assistant to the Assistant Secretary of State in
charge of Latin American Affairs, and Chief of the Cultural Activities
Section of the Department of Social Affairs of the United Nations;[53]
- Arpad Erdos, U.S. State Department;[54]
- Herbert Fierst, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's case #1 and Lee list #51;[55][56][57]
- John Tipton Fishburn, U.S. State Department; Lee list #106;[58]
- Theodore Geiger, U.S. State Department;[59]
- Stella Gordon, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #40 and Lee list #45[60]
- Stanley Graze, U.S. State Department intelligence; McCarthy's Case #8 and Lee list #8, brother of Gerald Graze, confirmed in KGB Archives;[61]
- Ruth Marcia Harrison, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #7 and Lee list #4;[62]
- Myron Victor Hunt, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #65 and Lee list #79;[63]
- Philip Jessup,
U.S. State Department, Assistant Director for the Naval School of
Military Government and Administration at Columbia University in New
York, Delegate to the U.N. in a number of different capacities,
Ambassador-at-large, and Chairman of the Institute of Pacific Relations
Research Advisory Committee; McCarthy's Case #15;[64]
- Dorothy Kenyon,
New York City Municipal Court Judge, U.S. State Department appointee as
American Delegate to the United Nations Commission on the Status of
Women;[65]
- Leon Hirsch Keyserling, President Harry Truman's Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers;[66]
- Mary Dublin Keyserling, U.S. Department of Commerce;[67]
- Esther Less Kopelewich, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #24;[68]
- Owen Lattimore, Board member of the communist-dominated Institute of Pacific Relations (I.P.R) and editor the I.P.R.’s journal Pacific Affairs;[69]
- Paul A. Lifantieff-Lee, U.S. Naval Department; McCarthy's Case #56 and Lee list #66;[70]
- Val R. Lorwin, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #54 and Lee list #64;[71]
- Daniel F. Margolies, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #41 and Lee list #46;[72] [73]
- Peveril Meigs, U.S. State Department; Department of the Army; McCarthy's Case #3 and Lee list #2;[74]
- Ella M. Montague, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #34 and Lee list #32;[75]
- Philleo Nash, Presidential Advisor, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman administrations;[76][77][78]
- Olga V. Osnatch, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #81 and Lee list #78;[79]
- Edward Posniak, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case Number 77;[80]
- Philip Raine, U.S. State Department, Regional Specialist; McCarthy's Case #52 and Lee list #62;[81][82][83][84]
- Robert Ross, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #32 and Lee list #30;[85]
- Sylvia Schimmel, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #50 and Lee list #60;[86][87][88][89]
- Frederick Schumann, contracted by U.S. State Department as lecturer; Professor at Williams College; not on Lee list;[90]
- John S. Service, U.S. State Department;[91]
- Harlow Shapley, U.S. State Department appointee to UNESCO, Chairman of the National Council of Arts, Sciences, and Professions;[92]
- William T. Stone, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #46 and Lee list #54;[93]
- Frances M. Tuchser, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #6 and Lee list #6;[94]
- John Carter Vincent, U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #2 and Lee list #52;[95]
- David Zablodowsky, U.S. State Department & Director of the United Nations Publishing Division. McCarthy's Case #103;[96]
Attacks on McCarthy
One of the most prominent attacks on Senator McCarthy was an episode of the TV documentary series
See It Now, hosted by
Edward R. Murrow, which was broadcast on March 9, 1954.
[97]
By the time Murrow produced his "See It Now" assault on Senator
McCarthy in 1954, the senator had been under almost constant vicious
attack for four years. According to McCarthy biographer Arthur Herman,
Murrow and his staff had spent two months carefully editing film clips
to portray McCarthy in the worst possible light. There were no clips
showing McCarthy in a professional manner. Despite Murrow's claims, this
"was not a report at all but instead a full-scale assault, employing
exactly the same techniques of 'partial truth and innuendo' that critics
accused McCarthy of using." The episode consisted largely of clips of
McCarthy in the most unflattering context, including "belching and
picking his nose".
[98]
In these clips, McCarthy accuses the
Democratic Party of "twenty years of treason" because of the Democratic Party's concessions to the
Soviet Union at the
Yalta conference and
Potsdam conference, describes the
American Civil Liberties Union
as "listed as 'a front for, and doing the work of,' the Communist
Party," and berates General Zwicker for Zwicker's claim that he would
protect any other general who promotes Communist's within the military.
Murrow also portrays a Pentagon coding room employee,
Annie Lee Moss
as an innocent victim of McCarthy even though it was later established
that the F.B.I. had warned the Army and the Civil Service Commission
about her
Communist Party connection.
[99]
However, even some McCarthy critics were outraged by this one-sided presentation. Consistent McCarthy critic, John Cogley of
Commonweal, "sharply attacked Murrow and his producers for their distorted summary and selected use of video clips."
[100]
Cogley commented that a different selection of footage could have
easily portrayed McCarthy in an extremely positive light and, then
further warned against the misuse of television in this fashion. He and
another McCarthy critic from the
Saturday Review agreed that it "was not a proud moment for television journalism".
[101]
To counter the negative publicity, McCarthy appeared on
See It Now
on April 6, 1954, and presented his case in order to clarify the
misconceptions that Murrow had televised. McCarthy countered that his
committee, "has forced out of government, and out of important defense
plants, Communists engaged in the Soviet conspiracy." McCarthy went on
to say, "For example, 238 witnesses were examined [in] public session;
367 witnesses examined [in] executive session; 84 witnesses refused to
testify as to Communist activities on the ground that, if they told the
truth, they might go to jail; twenty-four witnesses with Communist
backgrounds have been discharged from jobs [in] which they were handling
secret, top-secret, confidential material, individuals who were exposed
before our committee." McCarthy also exposed Murrow's left-wing
background and previous associations with Communist organizations.
[102]
The Murrow report, together with the televised Army-McCarthy
hearings of the same year, and four years of consistent anti-McCarthy
media reporting were the major causes of a nationwide popular opinion
backlash against McCarthy. However, well-known broadcaster Eric Sevareid
said the Murrow assault "came very late in the day. The youngsters read
back and they think only one person in broadcasting and the press stood
up to McCarthy and this has made a lot of people feel very upset,
including me, because that program came awfully late."
[103]
Even Murrow discounted his role in the decline of Senator
McCarthy's popularity. Murrow stated, "My God, I didn't do anything.
(Times columnist) Scotty Reston and lot of guys have been writing like
this, saying the same things, for months, for years. We're bringing up
the rear."
[104]
Nevertheless, despite the deceptive nature of the
See It Now
program and the late date in which it appears, anti-McCarthy
historians have credited and celebrated Murrow as playing a major role
in damaging Senator McCarthy's campaign to remove security risks from
the U.S. government.
Senate opposition to McCarthy
While over the previous few years, Senator McCarthy had withstood countless biased and unsubstantiated attacks by
Liberals,
Communists,
etc., who sought to prevent him from damaging their causes any further;
the organized and co-ordinated effort between the two groups to remove
McCarthy from his Chairmanship and officially condemn him began in March
of 1954.
Senate opposition
On March 9, 1954 a fellow conservative and anti-communist
Republican Senator,
Ralph E. Flanders of
Vermont,
gave a speech criticizing what he felt was Senator McCarthy’s
"misdirection of our efforts at fighting communism” and his role in “the
loss of respect for us in the world at large.” Flanders felt the nation
should pay more attention looking outwards at the “alarming world-wide
advance of Communist power” that would leave the United States and
Canada as “the last remnants of the free world.”
[105][106] Eisenhower Administration
cabinet officials told Flanders to “lay off,” while President
Eisenhower sent Flanders a brief note of appreciation for his speech,
but did not otherwise confer with him or explicitly support him.
[107]
In a June 1, 1954 speech, Flanders emphasized how the Soviet Union was
winning military successes in Asia without risking its own resources or
men, and said this nation was witnessing "another example of economy of
effort...in the conquest of this country for communism." He added, "One
of the characteristic elements of communist and fascist tyranny is at
hand as citizens are set to spy upon each other."
[108] Flanders told the Senate that McCarthy's "anti-Communism so completely parallels that of
Adolf Hitler
as to strike fear into the hearts of any defenseless minority"; he
accused McCarthy of spreading "division and confusion" and saying, "Were
the Junior Senator from Wisconsin in the pay of the Communists he could
not have done a better job for them."
[109]
On June 11, 1954 Flanders introduced a resolution charging
McCarthy “with unbecoming conduct" and calling for his removal from his
committee chairmanship. Upon the advice of Senators John Sherman Cooper
and J. William Fulbright and legal assistance from the
National Committee for an Effective Congress, a liberal organization, he modified his resolution to “bring it in line with previous actions of censure.”
[110]
After introducing his censure motion, Flanders had no active role in
the ensuing Watkins Committee hearings. Flanders bore McCarthy no
personal animosity and reported that McCarthy accepted his invitation to
join him at lunch after the hearings had taken place.
[111]
Watkins Committee
Ultimately, McCarthy was accused of 46 different counts of allegedly
improper conduct and another special committee was set up, under the
chairmanship of Senator
Arthur Watkins,
to study and evaluate the charges. This was to be the fifth
investigation of Senator McCarthy in five years. This committee opened
hearings on August 31, 1954. After two months of hearings and
deliberations, the Watkins Committee recommended that McCarthy be
censured on only two of the original 46 counts. The committee exonerated
McCarthy on all substantive charges.
[112]
On November 8, 1954, a special session of the Senate convened to
debate the two charges. The charges to be debated and voted on were: 1)
That Senator McCarthy had "failed to cooperate" in 1952 with the Senate
Subcommitee on Privileges and Elections that was looking into certain
aspects of his private and political life in connection with a
resolution for his expulsion from the Senate; and 2) That in conducting a
senatorial inquiry, Senator McCarthy had "intemperately abused" General
Ralph Zwicker.
The Zwicker count was dropped by the full Senate on the grounds
that McCarthy's conduct was arguably "induced" by Zwicker's own
behavior. Many senators felt that the Army had shown contempt for
committee chairman McCarthy by disregarding his letter of February 1,
1954 and honorably discharging Irving Peress the next day. So, for this
reason, the Senate concluded that McCarthy's conduct toward Zwicker on
February 18th was justified.
Therefore, the Zwicker count was dropped at the last minute and
was replaced with this substitute charge: 2) That Senator McCarthy, by
characterizing the Watkins Committee as the "unwitting handmaiden" of
the Communist Party and by describing the special Senate session as a
"lynch party" and a "lynch bee," had "acted contrary to senatorial
ethics and tended to bring the Senate into dishonor and disrepute, to
obstruct the constitutional processes of the Senate, and to impair its
dignity."
[113]
On December 2, 1954, even though more than a dozen senators told
McCarthy that they did not want to vote against him but had to do so
because of the enormous pressure being put on them by the
Eisenhower Administration
and by leaders of both political parties, the Senate voted to "condemn"
Senator Joseph McCarthy on both counts by a vote of 67 to 22. The
Democrats voted unanimously in favor of condemnation and the Republicans
split evenly.
Resolution condemns McCarthy
The resolution condemning Senator McCarthy has been criticized as a
ridiculous attempt to silence the strongest voice in the Senate
investigating security and loyalty risks in the U.S. government. When
examined closely, the two counts used in condemning McCarthy were
hopelessly flawed.
In analyzing the first count, "failure to cooperate with the
Subcommittee on Privileges and Elections", the fact is that the
subcommittee never subpoenaed McCarthy, but only "invited" him to
testify. One senator and two staff members resigned from the
subcommittee because of its dishonesty towards McCarthy. In its final
report dated January 2, 1953, the subcommittee, stated that the matters
under consideration "have become moot by reason of the 1952 election."
Up until this moment in U.S. history, no senator had ever been punished
for something that had happened in a previous Congress or for declining
an "invitation" to testify. Therefore, the first count was a complete
fraud and nothing more than a trumped up charge in order to damage
Senator McCarthy.
The second count was even more flawed than the first. McCarthy
was condemned for opinions he had expressed outside the Senate when he
criticized the Watkins Committee and the special Senate session. In an
editorial by David Lawrence in the June 7, 1957 issue of
U.S. News & World Report,
other senators had accused McCarthy of lying under oath, accepting
influence money, engaging in election fraud, making libelous and false
statements, practicing blackmail, doing the work of the communists for
them, and engaging in a questionable "personal relationship" with Roy
Cohn and David Schine. However, these other Senators were not censured
for acting "contrary to senatorial ethics" or for impairing the
"dignity" of the Senate. Only Senator McCarthy would be held responsible
for his words.
[114]
Final years
The
flag-draped coffin containing the body of Senator McCarthy is carried
up the steps of the U.S. Capitol for funeral services in the Senate
chamber after an earlier service at St. Matthew's Cathedral, May 6,
1957. Photograph courtesy of
The Post-Crescent
Senator McCarthy's power and clout to continue the search for
Communists in positions of power in America was severely curtailed.
After the Republicans lost control of the Senate in 1954, McCarthy, now a
member of the minority Party, had to depend on public speeches to
continue his campaign of warning the American people to the danger of
Communism. He did this in a number of important addresses during those
two and a half years.
In January 1957, McCarthy and his wife, Jean, adopted a baby girl
and named her, Tierney. Unfortunately, several months later, McCarthy
died of acute
hepatitis, likely brought on by his lifelong struggle with alcoholism, in Bethesda Naval Hospital on May 2, 1957, at the age of 48.
McCarthy was given a state funeral attended by 70 senators.
McCarthy was the first senator in 17 years to have funeral services in
the Senate chamber. Thousands of people viewed the body in Washington
D.C. and it is estimated more than 30,000 people from Wisconsin filed
through St. Mary's Church in the senator's hometown of Appleton,
Wisconsin, where the clergy performed a Solemn Pontifical Requiem before
more than 100 priests and 2,000 others. Three senators, George Malone,
William E. Jenner, and Herman Welker, had flown from Washington D.C. to
Appleton on the plane carrying McCarthy's casket.
Robert Kennedy
attended the funeral in Wisconsin. McCarthy was buried in St. Mary's
Parish Cemetery in Appleton and was survived by his wife, Jean, and
their adopted daughter, Tierney.
Retrospective views on McCarthy
- In her popular book, Treason: Liberal Treachery from the Cold War to the War on Terrorism, Ann Coulter said of McCarthy:
-
- "A half century later, when the only people who call
themselves Communists are harmless cranks, it is difficult to grasp the
importance of McCarthy's crusade. But there's a reason 'Communist' now
sounds about as threatening as 'monarchist' -- and it's not because of
intrepid New York Times editorials denouncing McCarthy and
praising Harvard educated Soviet spies. McCarthy made it a disgrace to
be a Communist. Domestic Communism could never recover."[115]
When Ann Coulter asked
Fox News’
Bill O'Reilly to identify a McCarthy-tormented innocent, O'Reilly responded with
Dalton Trumbo, one of
House Un-American Activities Committee's (HUAC) “Hollywood Ten”, not realizing
HUAC
investigated CPUSA infiltration in Hollywood and called “the Hollywood
Ten” of writers, directors and producers to testify in 1947. McCarthy
did not start his crusade against Communism until 1950.
- In 1953-54, McCarthy had been investigating lax security in the top secret facility at Ft. Monmouth, N.J. He was attacked by liberals and Communists
on the grounds that there were no security problems at Ft. Monmouth.
Years later, in addressing the reason why the U.S. Army's top-secret
operations at Fort Monmouth were quietly moved to Arizona, Senator Barry Goldwater, in his 1979 book With no apologies: The personal and political memoirs of United States Senator Barry M. Goldwater, Goldwater stated:
-
- "Carl Hayden, who in January 1955 became chairman of the
powerful Appropriations Committee of the United States Senate, told me
privately Monmouth had been moved because he and other members of the
majority Democratic Party were convinced security at Monmouth had been
penetrated. They didn't want to admit that McCarthy was right in his
accusations. Their only alternative was to move the installation from
New Jersey to a new location in Arizona."[116]
Even though McCarthy's investigations proved that his suspicions were
right, for many years afterwards and continue to this day, liberals
have spread the falsehood that McCarthy had found nothing at Fort
Monmouth.
- Before the 1989 release of Carl Bernstein's book, Loyalties: A Son's Memoir,
Albert Bernstein, Carl's father, expressed dismay at the revelations
that the book would make regarding Communist infiltration of the U.S.
government and other sectors of American society. Albert Bernstein
stated:
-
- "You're going to prove [Sen. Joseph] McCarthy was right,
because all he was saying is that the system was loaded with
Communists. And he was right. ... I'm worried about the kind of book
you're going to write and about cleaning up McCarthy. The problem is
that everybody said he was a liar; you're saying he was right. ... I
agree that the Party was a force in the country."[117]
Both Albert Bernstein and Sylvia Bernstein, Carl's mother, had both
been Communists since the 1940's. Albert Bernstein was a Union activist,
while Sylvia Bernstein was a secretary for the War Department in the
1930's and, during the
Clinton Administration, volunteered in the White House, answering letters that were addressed to
Hillary Clinton.
During the 1950's, Sylvia Bernstein invoked the Fifth Amendment to
avoid revealing her party ties to Congress but worked openly in
assisting convicted spies
Julius Rosenberg and Ethel Rosenberg, who were executed in 1953 for espionage.
It should be pointed out how many people followed McCarthy on his
crusade, and that many pro-Americans still do. The majority of the
sources that discredited Senator McCarthy originated from a large
assault by the liberal media that managed to sway the majority of
Americans against him at that time.
Quotes
- "if liberals were merely stupid, the laws of probability would
dictate that at least some of their decisions would serve America's
interests." [118]
Bibliography
- Buckley, William F. McCarthy and His Enemies (1954), a major statement by a young conservative
- Crosby, S.J., Donald F. God, Church and Flag: Senator Joseph R. McCarthy and the Catholic Church, 1950-1957 (1978). online edition
- Fried, Richard M. Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective 1990 online edition
- Griffith, Robert. The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate 1987 online edition
- Herman, Arthur Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America’s Most Hated Senator (2000). excerpt and text search, very favorable to McCarthy
- Latham, Earl Communist Controversy in Washington: From the New Deal to McCarthy. (1969).
- O'Brien, Michael. McCarthy and McCarthyism in Wisconsin. (1981)
- Oshinsky, David M. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy (1983), standard biography excerpt and text search
- Reeves, Thomas C. The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography (1982), standard biography by a leading conservative scholar
McCarthyism
- Klehr, Harvey, John Earl Hayes and Fridrikh Igorevich Firsov. The Secret World of American Communism (1995) excerpt and text search
- Klehr, Harvey, and Ronald Radosh. The Amerasia Spy Case: Prelude to McCarthyism
(1996), suggests that Soviet spying in the postwar United States was
extensive and that in the case of the arrest of the editors of the Amerasia
magazine, and others, in 1945, naive liberals in the Justice and State
departments blocked efforts to bring the spy ring to justice. excerpt and text search
- Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Earl Raab. The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1970 (1970) (Chap. 6 "The 1950's: McCarthyism") online edition
- Morgan, Ted. Reds: McCarthyism in Twentieth-Century America. 2003. 685 pp. excerpt and text search
- O'Reilly, Kenneth. Hoover and the Un-Americans: The FBI, HUAC, and the Red Menace 1983
- Ottanelli, Fraser M. The Communist Party of the United States: From the Depression to World War II 1991 excerpt and text search
- Rausch, Scott Alan. "McCarthyism and Eisenhower's State
Department, 1953-1961." PhD dissertation U. of Washington 2000. 231 pp.
DAI 2000 61(6A): 2438-A. DA9976046
- Schrecker, Ellen. "McCarthyism: Political Repression and the Fear of Communism." Social Research 2004 71(4): 1041-1086. Issn: 0037-783x Fulltext: in Ebsco; summarizes her books on the subject
- Schrecker, Ellen. Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America (1998) excerpt and text search
- Schrecker, Ellen. The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents. (2d ed. 2002). 308 pp. excerpt and text search
- Tanenhaus, Sam. Whittaker Chambers: A Biography (1998) excerpt and text search
- Theoharis, Athan. Chasing Spies: How the FBI Failed in Counterintelligence but Promoted the Politics of McCarthyism in the Cold War Years. (2002). 307 pp. excerpt and text search
- Weinstein, Allen, and Vassiliev, Alexander. The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America: The Stalin Era (1999) excerpt and text search
Media issues
- Doherty, Thomas. Cold War, Cool Media: Television, McCarthyism, and American Culture (2003) excerpt and text search
- Dussere, Erik. "Subversion in the Swamp: Pogo and the Folk in the McCarthy Era." Journal of American Culture2003 26(1): 134-141. Issn: 1542-7331 Fulltext: in Ebsco
- Murphy, Brenda. Congressional Theatre: Dramatizing McCarthyism on Stage, Film, and Television. (1999). 310 pp. excerpt and text search
- Sbardellati, John and Shaw, Tony. "Booting a Tramp: Charlie
Chaplin, the FBI, and the Construction of the Subversive Image in Red
Scare America." Pacific Historical Review 2003 72(4): 495-530. Issn: 0030-8684 in JSTOR
- Strout, Lawrence N. Covering McCarthyism: How the Christian Science Monitor Handled Joseph R. McCarthy, 1950-1954. 1999. 171 pp. online edition
Primary sources
- Joe McCarthy. Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951 U. S. Government Printing Office, 1953 online edition
- Joe McCarthy. McCarthyism: The Fight for America 1952 online edition
- Fried, ed. Albert. McCarthyism: The Great American Red Scare: a Documentary History 1997 online edition
- Schrecker, Ellen W. "Archival Sources for the Study of McCarthyism," The Journal of American History, Vol. 75, No. 1 (Jun., 1988), pp. 197-208 at JSTOR
See also
Notes
- ↑ http://www.knology.net/~bilrum/mccarth5.htm
- ↑ Cohn, Roy (1968). McCarthy. The New American Library, Inc., pgs. 273-274. ASIN B000KIR8FC
- ↑ Martin E. Marty, Modern American Religion: 1941-1960 (1996) 3:358
- ↑ Charles R. Morris, American Catholic (1997) p. 248-50, quote on p. 248; James Waldron Arnold, Objectivity in Selected Catholic Diocesan Newspapers (1954) p. 49.
- ↑ Kevin Kenny, The American Irish (2000), 242-43.
- ↑ Michael O'Brien, John F. Kennedy: A Biography (2005); Crosby, God, Church, and Flag
- ↑ Richard H. Rovere, Senator Joe McCarthy, (Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich), 1959.
- ↑
Gregory Peter Gallant, "Margaret Chase Smith, McCarthyism and the
Drive for Political Purification." PhD dissertation U. of Maine 1992.
302 pp. DAI 1992 53(5): 1642-A. DA9227981
- ↑
Ellen Chase Verdries, "Teaching with the Enemy: An Archival and
Narrative Analysis of McCarthyism in the Public Schools." PhD
dissertation Claremont Grad. School 1996. 286 pp. DAI 1997 57(9):
3853-A. DA9703815
- ↑ Sbardellati and Shaw (2003)
- ↑ Senator Joseph McCarthy, Speech at Wheeling, West Virginia, 1950, Congressional Record of the Senate, 81st Congress 2nd Session, February 20, 1950 (Tennessee State University). Cf. Major
Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United
States Senate, 1950-1951, reprinted from the Congressional Record (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1951); "Senator Joe McCarthy's Visit to Valley Area," Wheeling Intelligencer, February 11, 1950; "57 Reds Help Shaping U.S. Policy: McCarthy," Denver Post, February 11, 1950; Salt Lake Tribune, February 11, 1950; Salt Lake Telegram, February 11, 1950; McCarthy to President Truman (telegram), February 11, 1950; "McCarthy Blasts State Department," Nevada State Journal, February 12, 1950.
- ↑ McCarthy, Joseph (February 9, 1950) "Speech at Wheeling,
West Virginia, 9 February 1950," in Michael P. Johnson, ed., Reading
the American Past, Vol. II (Boston: Bedford Books, 1998), pgs. 191-195.
- ↑ Vernon, Wes (January 13, 2006). AIM Report: Looney Clooney Smears Senator McCarthy. Accuracy In Media
- ↑ Irvine, Reed and Kincaid, Cliff (September 13, 2000). Joe McCarthy, a Victimizer or Victim. Accuracy In Media
- ↑ Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc., pgs. 41-61. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
- ↑ Alexander Vassiliev, Notes on A. Gorsky’s Report to Savchenko S.R., 23 December 1949.
- ↑ Reeves, Thomas C. (1997). The life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography. Madison Books. pgs. 222-238. ISBN 1-56833-101-0.
- ↑
U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, State Department Employee
Loyalty Investigations (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govt. Print. Off., 1950).
- ↑ M. Stanton Evans, Blacklisted by History: The Untold Story of Senator Joe McCarthy and His Fight Against America's Enemies (Crown Forum 2007) ISBN 1400081068, p. 202.
- ↑ Statement by Daniel Buckley, December 13, 1951, McCarthy papers, cited in M. Stanton Evans, Blacklisted by History: The Untold Story of Senator Joe McCarthy and His Fight Against America's Enemies (Crown Forum 2007) ISBN 1400081068, pp. 438-439.
- ↑ Washington Post (February 12, 1950).Washington
Post, February 12, 1950; McCarthy's speech in Wheeling & letter to
President Truman are cited in the article titled "Security Risks" to the
lower left of the photo. Washington Post[1]
- ↑
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
- ↑
Kazin, Michael (1998). The Populist Persuasion: An American History. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-801-48558-4.
- ↑ FBI Silvermaster file, Vol. 150, pgs. 50-64
pdf. Excerpts from memorandum by FBI agent Edward Morgan asserting that
there was no possible legal case against the Bentley suspects and that
investigation should be discontinued, with possible exception of trying
to get one of the weaker suspects to break.
- ↑ FBI Silvermaster file, Vol. 93, pgs. 166 - 170
pdf. Original Edward Morgan memo 1/14/47, "The only reasonable hope of
salvaging a successful prosecution is (a) to endeavor to make an
informant of one of the subjects and/or (b) interview the subjects in
the hope that at least one will break...Failing to successfully develop
one of the subjects as an informant, I doubt if any more can be
accomplished of probative value through further investigation...This
case will stand or fall dependent upon the extent to which the subjects
may break and in breaking corroborate [Elizabeth Bentley]. I personally
am of the opinion that the Bureau would be derelict in its
responsibility in this instance if the various subjects were not
thoroughly and exhaustively interviewed. The odds are not too good that
such interviews would terminate successfully; however, it is quite
possible that some lesser lights among the subjects would crack during
the course of a careful and pointed interview....one of the subjects,
probably the weakest sister, be contacted with a view to making him an
informant. This is an outside chance but offers the only reasonable
prospect of making a case with respect to contemporaneous and future
events. Failing in this respect, that immediately the other subjects be
exhaustively interviewed. Since an interview with one would virtually
amount to putting all of them on notice, it would seem logical to
conduct such interviews as nearly simultaneously as possible....That
failing to break any of the subjects, serious consideration be given to
exposing this lousy outfit and at least hounding them from Federal
service. Several possibilities exist in this regard but this would seem
to be a bridge to cross when we get to it."
- ↑ In the Enemy’s House: Venona and the Maturation of American Counterintelligence, John F. Fox, Jr., FBI Historian, Presented at the 2005 Symposium on Cryptologic History, 10/27/2005.
- ↑ FBI Memo Referencing 206 Communists in Government
- ↑ FBI Silvermaster file, Vol. 50, pgs. 13-16 pdf, May 29, 1946.
- ↑ Moynihan Commission on Government Secrecy, Chairmans Forward, 1997.
- ↑ Drummey, James J. (May 11, 1987). The Real McCarthy Record. The New American, Section III. Committee Chairman (1953-54).
- ↑
Senator McCarthy stated, "Then there was a Mrs. Mary Jane Keeney from
the Board of Economic Warfare in the State Department, who was named in a
F.B.I. report and a House Committee report as a courier for the
Communist Party while working for the Government. And where do you think
Mrs. Keeney is -- she is now an editor in the U.N. Documents Bureau."
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Congressional Record, (February 20, 1950). Page 1956. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
On September 9, 1950, at the Columbia County Republican Club in Portage,
Wisconsin, Senator McCarthy stated, "Just turn back a page of history
to 1945. This Lauchlin Currie was administrative assistant to the
President. This is the same Lauchlin Currie who has been named under
oath by Elizabeth Bentley
as the man who tipped off her Russian espionage agents that we were
about to break the Japanese code...This is the same Lauchlin Currie
whose picture I hold in my hand, with a picture of Harry Dexter White,
John Abt, and Alger Hiss -- all named under oath repeatedly as
Communists...At that time Lauchlin Currie was Administrative Assistant
to the President. The Joint Chiefs of Staff approved sending vast
amounts of German captured arms to those fighting Communism in China.
After the Joint Chiefs of Staff and Eisenhower had approved the shipment
-- after vast quantities had left German ports destined for our allies
in China -- Lauchlin Currie, Truman's Administrative Assistant, the man
named by Bentley and Chambers, signed an order on White House stationery
ordering that all this military equipment be destroyed."
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2. )
On June 14, 1951, Senator McCarthy gave the Senate information about
Currie and his connection to the other individuals involved in
supporting the Chinese Communists. He stated, "The Stilwell-Davies group
took over in China in 1942. Soon thereafter, Lauchlin, at the White
House, and John Carter Vincent, and subsequently Alger Hiss
at the State Department were exercising their influence at the
Washington end of the transmission belt conveying poisonous
misinformation from ChungKing. The full outlines of Currie's betrayal
have yet to be traced....In this connection it should be recalled that
Currie issued an order on White House stationery depriving the Republic
of China of 20,000 German rifles."
(
Congressional Record, (June 14, 1951). Page 6574. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑ McCarthy Hearings, Testimony of V. Frank Coe, Executive Session, Vol. 1: 147-50, Vol. 4: 3403, 3413, 3417-18, 3421, 3428-29
testimony of, Vol. 2: 1349-72.
- ↑ McCarthy Hearings, Testimony of William Ludwig Ullman, Executive Session, Vol. 3: 2146, 2147, 2152, Vol. 4: 3403, 3411-14, 3418, 3421, 3426-29, testimony of, Vol. 3: 2345-49.
- ↑ McCarthy Hearings, Testimony of Nathan Gregory Silvermaster, Executive Session, Vol. 2: 1349, 1361, 1362, Vol. 4: 3403, 3412-14, 3425-29.
- ↑ Alexander Vassiliev, Notes on A. Gorsky’s Report to Savchenko S.R., 23 December 1949.
- ↑ Joseph R. McCarthy Papers, Series 14, Senate Subject Files, Marquettte University Library Special Collections.
- ↑ Army Signal Corps—Subversion and Espionage, October 22
(PDF). Executive Sessions Of The Senate Permanent Subcommittee On
Investigations Of The Committee On Government Operations; Vol. 3. pgs.
2717-2726, U.S. Government Printing Office (1953).
- ↑ Executive Sessions of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, Vol. 2, Eighty-third Congress, 14 May 1953, pgs. 1135-1164.
- ↑ Joseph R. McCarthy Papers, Series 14, Senate Subject Files, Marquettte University Library Special Collections.
- ↑ Senator Joseph McCarthy’s Lists and Venona, by John Earl Haynes, April 2007.
- ↑
U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, State Department Employee
Loyalty Investigations (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govt. Print. Off., 1950).
- ↑ John Emil Peurifoy, Foreign Service Office & United States Ambassador, Arlington National Cemetery Website, retrieved 21 March 2007.
- ↑ Senator Joseph McCarthy’s Lists and Venona, by John Earl Haynes, April 2007.
- ↑
Presented by McCarthy as Case Numbers 48 and 49 respectively and both
are Number 59 on the Lee list. McCarthy stated, "The letters of charges
against the Barnetts--both Robert Warren Barnett and his wife, Mrs.
Robert Warren Barnett-charge them with close association and constant
contact with known Soviet espionage activity." See also FBI Silvermaster
file, Vol. 116, Robert Barnett contacts with Donald Wheeler formerly of OSS; Robert Barnett also served in OSS.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9707. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
See also
FBI Silvermaster file, Hottel to the Director (May 12, 1947). Vol. 116, pg. 100 pdf. U. S. Government,.
Robert Barnett contacts with Donald Wheeler formerly of OSS; Robert Barnett also served in OSS).
- ↑
Presented by McCarthy as Case Number 47 and Number 55 on the Lee list. She belonged to a number of Communist front
organizations, including chairman of a meeting of the American Friends
of the Soviet Union where the main speaker was a well known Communist
and writer for the Daily Worker. "Brunauer was a signer of a call to the annual meeting of the American Youth Congress
which was publicly known to be completely dominated by the Communist
Party. She admitted that her husband had Communist connections and had
been a member of the Young Communist League."
Brunauer was suspended by the State Department in 1951 pending
adjudication of security proceedings against her. On June 16, 1952, she
was discharged by the State Department as a security risk. See McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning for greater detail on this case.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2. )
- ↑
McCarthy stated, "Brunauer, an admitted former member of the Young
Communist League, was suspended from his job as head of the Navy's high
explosives section where he was engaged in top secret work. He resigned
before the Navy's Loyalty Board could complete questioning him and
dispose of his case." Brunauer also had a reputation for associating
with know Communists. McCarthy stated, "For example, his very good
friend, Noel Field,
a known Communist and espionage agent, spent night after night with
Stephen Brunauer, who had access to all the top secrets in the explosive
section of our Navy. Field then left the country, and has since
disappeared behind the iron curtain, taking with him all the information
which his friend Brunauer had given him ... What forced the Navy to
take action was that it appeared during the atom-spy investigations that
Stephen Brunauer was involved."
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Congressional Record, (May 8, 1951). Page 5058. U. S. Government Printing Office.
- ↑
Presented by McCarthy as Case Number 55 and Number 65 on the Lee list. Just like Arpad Erdos, Nelson Chipchin, John Tipton Fishburn, Stella Gordon, Myron Victor Hunt, Esther Less Kopelewich, Franz Leopold Neumann, Robert Ross, Sylvia Schimmel, and Frances M. Tuchser on August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Cameron as being one of the individuals that he had given to the Tydings Committee
a year earlier. McCarthy submitted to the Senate, Cameron, as yet
another example of a clear security risk who was currently in the
loyalty-security channels in the State Department. There was no
explanation from the State Department as to why Cameron remained in
loyalty-security channels for such a lengthy period of time. In the
meantime, Cameron, like, Fishburn, Chipchin, Erdos, Gordon, Hunt,
Kopelewich, Ross, Schimmel, Tuchser, and Neumann, was able to carry on
her activities despite concerns about her loyalty and security
clearance.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9707. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
An FBI Surveillance report on Edward Fitzgerald from September 1947 notes that on May 20 1947 Fitzgerald's brother-in-law had lunch with J. Robert Oppenheimer and an appointment with Leslie Groves.
Sometime later Frank Cameron, a regular contact of Fitzgerald tried to
contact Gertrude Cameron in the State Department from the Fitzgerald’s
home.
FBI Silvermaster file, (September 1947). Volume 130, pgs 17 -18 pdf. Federal Bureau of Investigation. )
- ↑
Presented by McCarthy as Case Number 23. Just like Arpad Erdos, Gertrude Cameron, John Tipton Fishburn, Stella Gordon, Myron Victor Hunt, Esther Less Kopelewich, Franz Leopold Neumann, Robert Ross, Sylvia Schimmel, and Frances M. Tuchser on August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Chipchin as being one of the individuals that he had given to the Tydings Committee
a year earlier. McCarthy submitted to the Senate, Chipchin, as yet
another example of a clear security risk who was currently in the
loyalty-security channels in the State Department. There was no
explanation from the State Department as to why Chipchin remained in
loyalty-security channels for such a lengthy period of time. In the
meantime, Chipchin, like Cameron, Fishburn, Erdos, Gordon, Hunt,
Kopelewich, Ross, Schimmel, Tuchser, and Neumann, was able to carry on
his activities despite concerns about his loyalty and security
clearance.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9707. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
McCarthy presented Clubb's name and evidence against him to the Tyding's Committee.
In 1952, by unanimous vote, the U.S. State Department Loyalty and
Security Board found that Clubb's employment in the State Department
constituted a security risk. The Deputy Under Secretary for
Administration, Carlisle Humelsine agreed with this decision. Clubb
ultimately resigned. On March 5, 1952, Secretary Acheson confirmed to the Media that Senator McCarthy was correct.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2. )
- ↑
McCarthy stated that, "Both [John Stewart] Service and Davies spent
considerable time in China as State Department officials. In their
recommendations to Washington both followed the Communist Party line.
For example, on November 7, 1944, Davies submitted a memorandum to the
State Department outing that the Communist Party in China was 'a modern
dynamic popular government.' At the same time he referred to the
anti-Communists as 'feudal.' 'The Communists are in China to stay. And
China's destiny is not Chiang's but theirs,' said Davies. On December
12, 1944 he urged that we supply the Chinese Communists with arms -- a
proposal which Dean Acheson two years later requested Congress to approve." In 1944, Ambassador to China, Patrick J. Hurley,
accused Davies of working behind his back to support the Communists.
According to Hurley, "Davies had one day flown off to Yenan to tell Mao TseTung,
the Communist leader, that Hurley, our Ambassador (an anti-Communist),
did not represent the American viewpoint." According to The China Story by Freda Utley, Davies was a great fan of Communist operative Agnes Smedley who operated in China. Utley states, "Davies was also a great admirer of Agnes Smedley,
whom he called one of 'the pure in heart.' He used to invite us all to
excellent dinners at the American consulate, at which he expressed both
his admiration and affection for Agnes. Together with Edgar Snow
and other journalists I knew in Hankow, he [Davies] became one of the
most potent influences in the Department [of State] furthering the cause
of the Chinese Communists." The McCarran Committee
had found that Davies had "testified falsely before the subcommittee in
denying that he recommended the Central Intelligence Agency employ,
utilize and rely upon certain individuals having Communist associations
and connections. This matter was...substantial in import." Despite the
enormous evidence of Davies' support of the Communists, the State
Department cleared him of being a security/loyalty risk. Eventually, in
1954, under political pressure from McCarthy and Senator Patrick McCarran, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles
asked Davies to resign. When he refused, on 5 November, 1954, Dulles
terminated his employment, stating that Davies had "demonstrated a lack
of judgment, discretion and reliability."
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Congressional Record, (June 14, 1951). Page 6574. U. S. Government Printing Office.
Utley, Freda (1951). The China Story. Chicago, H. Regnery Co.. ASIN B00005VL2B.
McCarthy, Joseph (1952). McCarthyism: The Fight for America: Documented Answers to Questions Asked by Friend and Foe. The Devin-Adair Company. ASIN B0007DRBZ2. )
- ↑
The Duran Case is considered one of Senator McCarthy's "Nine Public
Cases". McCarthy attempted to present evidence of Gustavo Duran's status
as a security risk during the Tydings Committee.
In violation of its mandate, the Tydings Committee refused to discuss
McCarthy's evidence. Intelligence reports presented by McCarthy made the
case quite clear that Duran was a bad security risk. All evidence
submitted indicated that Duran was a Communist agent prior and during
WWII, who took orders directly from the Soviet Union. It is unclear
whether Duran was either hired with the knowledge that he had a
Communist Party background or whether the State Department Loyalty Board
simply failed to perform its obligation to properly screen out security
risks. Either way, the State Department failed to perform its duties.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2. ,
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2. ,
Congressional Record, (February 20, 1950). Page 1956. U. S. Government Printing Office. ,
Isaac Walton League, Fond du Lac (July 30, 1950), Wisconsin)
FBI Silvermaster file, Tamm to the Director, (April 22, 1946). Vol. 42, pg. 100 pdf. U. S. Government.
FBI Silvermaster file (October 10, 1946). http://education-research.org/PDFs/Silvermaster076.pdf [Vol. 76, pgs. 9 and 126] pdf. U. S. Government. ; (heavily redacted). Memorandum discuss inquiry from the U.S. Statement as to the participation of Alger Hiss, Gustavo Duran and others in the Amerasia
case. Fitch recommends replying to the State Dept. by referring to the
detailed memoranda on Hiss and Duran which was previously submitted and a
summary memo transmitted to General Holmes, to Fred Lyon's attention on
May 29, 1945 in connection with Philip Jaffe
and the Amerasia case (pg. 9). Statement that memos on Alger Hiss and
Gustavo Duran will follow. Hiss memo is included, but that on Duran is
not (pg. 126).
- ↑
Just like Gertrude Cameron, Nelson Chipchin, John Tipton Fishburn, Stella Gordon, Myron Victor Hunt, Esther Less Kopelewich, Franz Leopold Neumann, Robert Ross, Sylvia Schimmel, and Frances M. Tuchser on August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Erdos as being one of the individuals that he had given to the Tydings Committee
a year earlier. McCarthy submitted to the Senate, Erdos, as yet another
example of a clear security risk who was currently in the
loyalty-security channels in the State Department. There was no
explanation from the State Department as to why Erdos remained in
loyalty-security channels for such a lengthy period of time. In the
meantime, Erdos, like Cameron, Fishburn, Chipchin, Gordon, Hunt,
Kopelewich, Ross, Schimmel, Tuchser, and Neumann, was able to carry on
his activities despite concerns about his loyalty and security
clearance.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2. )
- ↑
Presented by McCarthy as Case Number 1 and Number 51 on the Lee list.
Fierst was employed by the State Department beginning in September,
1946. In 1951, he was placed into the loyalty-security channels of the
State Department. The Civil Service Loyalty Review Board expressed
dissatisfaction with the handling of his case, and sent it back to the
State Department Board for readjudication. Afterwards, a judgment was
issued by the Civil Service Loyalty Review Board that, "a State
Department officer's loyalty status had not been explored with
sufficient thoroughness even after seven years." According to Robert L.
Bannerman, Special Assistant and security officer in the State
Department, in a memo issued by him on August 2, 1946, indicates that,
"physical surveillance showed that this man Fierst was in constant
contact with members of an espionage group and that he recommended
Communists for State Department employment, and was engaged in a number
of other Communist activities."
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9707. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑ FBI Silvermaster file Vol. 64, pg. 240 pdf. Brief background on Herbert Fierst.
- ↑ FBI Silvermaster file Vol. 77, pg. 202 pdf, September 1946.
- ↑ Just like Arpad Erdos, Gertrude Cameron, Nelson Chipchin, Stella Gordon, Myron Victor Hunt, Esther Less Kopelewich, Franz Leopold Neumann, Robert Ross, Sylvia Schimmel, Frances M. Tuchser on August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Fishburn as being one of the individuals that he had given to the Tydings Committee
a year earlier. McCarthy submitted to the Senate, Fishburn, as yet
another example of a clear security risk who was currently in the
loyalty-security channels in the State Department. There was no
explanation from the State Department as to why Fishburn remained in
loyalty-security channels for such a lengthy period of time. In the
meantime, Fishburn, like Cameron, Chipchin, Erdos, Gordon, Hunt,
Kopelewich, Ross, Schimmel, Tuchser, and Neumann, was able to carry on
his activities despite concerns about his loyalty and security
clearance.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2. )
- ↑
During the Tydings Committee
hearings, Robert Morris, the Chief Counsel for the Minority, stated
that Geiger was engaged in espionage activities as part of a Communist
Party cell operating in the U.S. Morris offered to provide several
witnesses who were also in Geiger's Communist Party cell however the
Chairman of the Tydings Committee, Millard Tydings
declined to hear the testimony. On July 25, 1950, Senator McCarthy told
the Senate about this case and that the witnesses to Geiger's Communist
Party cell where willing to testify but that Millard Tydings refused the opportunity to expose a known Communist working for the State Department.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Congressional Record, (July 25, 1950). Page 1091. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
Just like Arpad Erdos, Gertrude Cameron, Nelson Chipchin, John Tipton Fishburn, Myron Victor Hunt, Esther Less Kopelewich, Franz Leopold Neumann, Robert Ross, Sylvia Schimmel, Frances M. Tuchser on August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Gordon as being one of the individuals that he had given to the Tydings Committee
a year earlier. McCarthy submitted to the Senate, Gordon, as yet
another example of a clear security risk who was currently in the
loyalty-security channels in the State Department. There was no
explanation from the State Department as to why Gordon remained in
loyalty-security channels for such a lengthy period of time. In the
meantime, Gordon, like Cameron, Fishburn, Chipchin, Erdos, Hunt,
Kopelewich, Ross, Schimmel, Tuchser, and Neumann, was able to carry on
her activities despite concerns about her loyalty and security
clearance.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2. )
- ↑
Graze was McCarthy's Case Number 8. Graze and his brother, Gerald, were both employed by the State Department during World War II and in 1944, Gerald was identified as a secret member of the Communist Party of the United States.
Even so, Stanley continued to work for the State Department until 1948.
Oddly enough, on April 20, 1948, the Loyalty Security Board cleared
him. Ten days later he resigned and became employed with the United
Nations. Both Gerald and Stanley Graze are identified in the 1948 Gorsky Memo
of Compromised American sources and networks having a covert
relationship with Soviet intelligence. On October 14, 1952, while
testifying before the McCarran Committee he refused to answer questions regarding participation in the Communist Party of the United States
and questions regarding espionage activity against the U.S. How Graze
passed the State Department's Review Board remains unexplained.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2. )
- ↑
On August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Harrison as being a U.S.
State Department employee who was clearly a security and loyalty risk.
McCarthy mentioned that Harrison belonged to a long list of Communist front
organizations and the Library of Congress branch of the Communist
Party. Harrison was investigated by various branches of the Federal
government numerous times before her termination in 1951, mainly because
of her involvement in the 1930’s in organizations that had been
identified as subversive. These organizations include the American
Student Union, the Young Communist League,
and the Washington Bookshop Association. Subversive elements in the
Federal government were able to clear Harrison in all prior
investigations, but in 1951, her luck ran out. An informant revealed
that Harrison had been active in the Library of Congress branch of the
Communist Party when she was employed there as a cataloger, and this
information ultimately led to the Loyalty and Security Board’s
determination that Harrison posed a security risk as a Federal employee.
Government documents related to her case that were declassified after
amendments to the Freedom of Information Act in 1975, including
investigation files from the FBI, the State Department, the CIA,
and the Civil Service Commission indicated that the government's case
against Harrison was absolutely correct and her termination justified.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9707. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
Just like Arpad Erdos, Gertrude Cameron, Nelson Chipchin, John Tipton Fishburn, Stella Gordon, Esther Less Kopelewich, Franz Leopold Neumann, Robert Ross, Sylvia Schimmel, Frances M. Tuchser on August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Hunt as being one of the individuals that he had given to the Tydings Committee
a year earlier. McCarthy submitted to the Senate, Hunt, as yet another
example of a clear security risk who was currently in the
loyalty-security channels in the State Department. There was no
explanation from the State Department as to why Hunt remained in
loyalty-security channels for such a lengthy period of time. In the
meantime, Hunt, like Cameron, Fishburn, Chipchin, Erdos, Gordon,
Kopelewich, Ross, Schimmel, Tuchser, and Neumann, was able to carry on
his activities despite concerns about his loyalty and security
clearance.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2. )
- ↑
McCarthy's first comments regarding Jessup were made during the Tydings Committee
hearings where McCarthy stated that Jessup had an unusual affinity for
Communist causes. McCarthy was never allowed by the Tydings Committee to
outline his case regarding Jessup but the committee did allow Jessup to
fly in from Pakistan and give his defense against charges that McCarthy
had not yet even made. Needless to say, the Tydings Committee cleared
Jessup as they did with everyone that appeared before them. However, in
two speeches on the floor of the Senate, McCarthy gave his evidence
regarding Jessup's "unusual affinity for Communist causes". They are as
follows:
(1) That Jessup had been affiliated with five Communist front groups;
(2) That Jessup had been a leading light in the Institute of Pacific Relations
(IPR) at a time that organization was reflecting the Communist Party
line;
(3) And that he had "pioneered the smear campaign against Nationalist
China and Chiang Kai-shek" and propagated the "myth of the 'democratic
Chinese Communist'" through the IPR magazine, Far Eastern Survey, over which he had "absolute control";
(4) That Jessup had associated with known Communists in the IPR;
(5) That the IPR's American Council under Jessup's guidance had received more than $7,000 of Communist funds from Frederick Vanderbilt Field;
(6) That Jessup had "expressed vigorous opposition" to attempts to
investigate Communist penetration of the IPR;
(7) That Jessup had urged that United States atom bomb production be
brought to a halt in 1946, and that essential atomic ingredients be
"dumped into the ocean";
(8) That Jessup had appeared as a character witness for Alger Hiss, and
that later, after Hiss's conviction, Jessup had found "no reason
whatever to change his opinion about Hiss's veracity, loyalty and
integrity."
While it may be questionable that Jessup pioneered the smear campaign
against Chiang Kai-Shek, it's clear that he aided in it. There's no
doubt that every single one of these allegations was essentially
correct. Solid evidence shows that Jessup was associated with four
Communist front organizations. They are as follows:
the American Russian Institute, the National Emergency Conference (and its successor, the National Emergency Conference for Democratic Rights), the American Law Students Association, and the American Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations.
According to the House Committee on Un-American Activities each of
these organizations was cited as Communist front groups at the time of
Jessup's association with them. Although the Tydings Committee did not
allow McCarthy to present his evidence against Jessup, the Tydings
Committee did refer to some of McCarthy's evidence that were made on the
floor of the Senate. Of course, as usual, the Tydings Committee either
ignored the significance of the evidence or downplayed it. It was up to
the McCarran Committee
a year later to do the real investigating and in discussing the IPR, it
stated, "The IPR was a vehicle used by Communists to orientate American
Far Eastern policy toward Communist objectives." The McCarran Committee
Hearings clearly indicate that the IPR was more than just a Communist
front organization in that there was an active Communist "cell" that put
the services of the IPR at the disposal of "Communist imperialism". And
that this was achieved by "manipulating" the IPR's policy-making
officials.
The McCarran Committee reported that ten of the thirty-three individuals
whom Jessup recommended as delegates to the IPR Hot Springs Convention
in January of 1945 have been named as members of the Communist Party.
Jessup was well aware that Frederick Vanderbilt Field was a member of
the Communist Party, and especially so when Field resigned from the IPR
to devote full time to the Communist front organization, American Peace Mobilization.
Jessup also presided over the State Department Policy Conference of
October 1949 that was not only stocked with Jessup's pro-Communist
associates but also, in the words of the McCarran Committee, which
stated, "...the prevailing [majority] view at the conference advocated
(a) the recognition of Communist China; (b) normal trade relations
between the United States and Communist China; (c) encouragement of
trade between Japan and Communist China; (d) economic assistance to
Communist China; (e) recognition that Communist conquest in Asia was a
natural and inevitable consequence of revolutionary ferment in Asia with
its Communist nature being incidental." Harold Stassen and General Joseph Fortier
have respectively testified that Jessup not only ignored advice to
disregard the pro-Communist direction of the conference and that Jessup
was in favor of recognizing Communist China. The above evidence clearly
demonstrates that Jessup was at least a security risk and that the State
Department Loyalty program failed to identify him as such.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Tydings Committee Hearings (1950). Pages 28, 41, 42, 100, 229, 247, 256, 257, 273, 497-498, etc.. U. S. Government Printing Office.
Congressional Record, (March 30, 1950). Pages 4402-4405. U. S. Government Printing Office.
Congressional Record, (June 2, 1950). Pages 8000-8003. U. S. Government Printing Office.
McCarran Report, (July 1952). Pages 100-103, 122-123, 147-148, 212, 225, 494-495, etc.. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
Dorothy Kenyon is considered one of McCarthy's "Nine Public Cases" that was presented to the Tydings Committee.
Kenyon was McCarthy's first case and it took two days in order for
McCarthy to present the evidence due to the constant interruptions by
members of the Tyding's Committee. This prompted Senator Lodge to state
that, "I think to interrupt the witness [McCarthy] every time and break
up his continuity and destroy the flow of his argument, the way we are
doing, is not the right procedure....For some reason that has not been
made clear to me, whether it is to rattle or whether it is to confuse, I
don't know, we have an entirely different procedure today...I am
objecting to the constant interruption of the witness so that he never
gets a fair shake."
Despite the constant harassment, McCarthy's evidence included showing
that Kenyon belonged to at least 24 Communist front organizations
labeled as such in part by the United States Attorney General, the House Un-American Activities Committee,
and other governmental committees. The documents presented by McCarthy
included, official organization letterheads that listed Kenyon as a
sponsor or as a member, official programs of organization sponsored
dinners, and newspaper reports of open letters that Kenyon had signed
that connected her with the organizations. Certainly, these were all
documents that were easily accessible to the State Department should
they have cared to look into Kenyon's political background.
When Kenyon was asked by the Tydings Committee whether she had ever been
interviewed by the State Department as to her affiliation to any
Communist front organizations, she responded that she had never been
asked. According to the security evaluation procedure of the State
Department, Kenyon should have been asked about these affiliations but
failed to do so. McCarthy had easily demonstrated from this first case
that the screening process of the State Department was certainly lax and
quite possibly purposefully ignoring easily identifiable security
risks. However, the Tydings Committee instead ignored this evidence and
set the precedent for the hearings that anyone that came before the
committee was going to be given a positive evaluation no matter how
strongly the evidence indicated the witness was a security risk.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Tydings Committee Hearings (1950). Page 68. U. S. Government Printing Office.
Congressional Record, (March 30, 1950). Pages 4380-81. U. S. Government Printing Office.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2. )
- ↑
Keyserling had an extensive background of service in the U.S.
government. He had helped to shift the emphasis of U.S. economic policy
toward a more Socialistic structure. Evidence in the form of sworn testimony submitted to the McCarran Committee
indicated that he agreed with the principles of the Communist Party
except for the idea that Communization of the U.S. could only be
achieved through "bloody revolution" and he was against the idea of a
separate political entity for Black people in the U.S. South. Other than
those two details, Keyserling, a major official in the U.S. government,
agreed with the Communization of the U.S. Less than a year after
Senator McCarthy made this information public, Keyserling left U.S.
government work for the private sector yet continued to act as a paid
consultant to the U.S. Congress.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Congressional Record, (August 21, 1952). Page 4153. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
Keyserling is the wife of Leon Hirsch Keyserling
and also had an extensive background working for the U.S. government.
On April 21, 1952, McCarthy gave her specifics to the Senate. He stated
that the evidence presented to the Commerce Department's Loyalty Board
showed that Keyserling had been a member of the Communist Party and that
she also belonged to a great many Communist front organizations.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Congressional Record, (August 21, 1952). Page 4153. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
Just like Arpad Erdos, Gertrude Cameron, Nelson Chipchin, John Tipton Fishburn, Stella Gordon, Myron Victor Hunt, Franz Leopold Neumann, Robert Ross, Sylvia Schimmel, Frances M. Tuchser on August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Kopelewich as being one of the individuals that he had given to the Tydings Committee
a year earlier. McCarthy submitted to the Senate, Kopelewich, as yet
another example of a clear security risk who was currently in the
loyalty-security channels in the State Department. There was no
explanation from the State Department as to why Kopelewich remained in
loyalty-security channels for such a lengthy period of time. In the
meantime, Kopelewich, like Cameron, Fishburn, Chipchin, Erdos, Gordon,
Hunt, Ross, Schimmel, Tuchser, and Neumann, was able to carry on her
activities despite concerns about her loyalty and security clearance.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9708. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
Identified by McCarthy as a Communist and under Party discipline. Former
Communist Party member and head of the Buben group of spies, Louis Budenz corroborated McCarthy's claims and detailed how Lattimore had been of service to the Communist Party in the Amerasia case. Lattimore was also identified by former Soviet Army General Alexander Barmine as a member of Russian Military Intelligence (GRU). In a unanimous report, the McCarran Committee
classified Lattimore as a "conscious articulate instrument of the
Soviet conspiracy". Lattimore wrote a letter of introduction for Haakon Chevalier to KGB operative, Lauchlin Currie.
Chevalier was attempting to obtain a Government job during this period
of time. Chevalier is a known Soviet Secret Intelligence Service (NKVD)
contact and was associated with numerous members of the Communist Party
on the West Coast. Currie also recommended Lattimore to President
Roosevelt to serve as a special advisor to Chiang Kai-shek.
Indicted for committing perjury. In December 1952, Currie gave evidence
in New York to a grand jury investigating Lattimore's role in the
publication by Amerasia
magazine of secret State Department documents. All evidence indicates
that Lattimore was a security and a loyalty risk and served to guide
U.S. foreign policy to the detriment of U.S national interests.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1952). McCarthyism: The Fight for America: Documented Answers to Questions Asked by Friend and Foe. The Devin-Adair Company. ASIN B0007DRBZ2. )
- ↑
Born in the Soviet Union. On August 9, 1951, McCarthy presented to the
Senate information about Lifantieff-Lee. He stated that, "His file in
the Navy Department, which was transmitted to the State Department,
shows that he took secret State Department documents, which were found
in his room and picked up by naval intelligence. That is shown by the
naval intelligence report."
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9708. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
In December, 1945, Lorwin became employed with the State Department. He
quickly became Chief of the State Department's European Division of
International Labor, Social, and Health Affairs. After that, he became a
labor economist for the State Department. On February 5, 1952,
approximately one year after the Tyding's Committee
cleared Lorwin, the State Department suspended him. On March 28, 1952,
he was restored to full duty, and in June 1952, was formally cleared of
all charges regarding security or loyalty issues. Shortly thereafter,
Lorwin resigned, and went to work for the University of Chicago as an
assistant professor of social sciences and industrial relations.
According to Buckley, "on December 4, 1953, a Federal Grand Jury handed
down an indictment of Lorwin, charging that he had lied under oath in
claiming (1) that he had never been a member of the Communist Party, (2)
that he had never carried a Communist Party card, and (3) that he had
never held a Communist Party meeting in his home.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1952). McCarthyism: The Fight for America: Documented Answers to Questions Asked by Friend and Foe. The Devin-Adair Company. ASIN B0007DRBZ2. )
- ↑
On August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy gave the Senate information on an
employee of the State Department named Daniel F. Margolies. McCarthy
described Margolies as, "one of the top security men in the State
Department" and was hired by the State Department despite the fact that
he was disapproved on the grounds that he was a "bad loyalty and
security risk." The State Department never explained the rationale in
hiring someone who was clearly a security and loyalty risk.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9707. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑ FBI Silvmaster file 5c pg. 11 pdf. [2]
- ↑
Meigs became employed with the State Department in September, 1945, and
was allowed to resign from the State department in 1948 even though
there were concerns regarding his security/loyalty. McCarthy related to
the Senate the fact that Meigs was under investigation by the State
Department's security/loyalty board yet was allowed to resign without
noting his file as having been under investigation. Subsequently, Meigs
went to work for the Department of the Army and after McCarthy
communicated to the Army that Meigs should be investigated, the Army
then looked into Meigs' background and found him to be a clear
loyalty/security risk. In January 12, 1952 and again on May 26, 1952,
McCarthy stated to the Senate that, "On February 20, I believe, I laid
before the Senate the case of Perveril Meigs. The State Department held a
hearing. They knew that they could not conceivably clear Perveril
Meigs, even with the type of board which they have. What did they do?
They notified him that he would not be cleared, so he then resigned,
went over to the Army and got a job in the Army, with no notification to
the Army that this man was an extremely bad security risk because of
close association with espionage agents. It was only after we called the
Army's attention to the case that the Army Loyalty Board took the case
up, and of course, they promptly ordered him discharged." Meigs' case is
a perfect example of the State Department covering up either its'
incompetence in hiring individuals that are security/loyalty risks
and/or in being able to properly filter out such individuals once they
are employees of the State Department. The tactic of informing a
suspected security/loyalty risk and allowing him or her to resign was a
strategy implemented in order for the State Department to avoid
appearing incompetent or as though they did not make any effort to avoid
hiring loyalty/security risks.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Congressional Record, (January 15, 1952). Page 192. U. S. Government Printing Office.
Congressional Record, (May 26, 1952). Page 5963. U. S. Government Printing Office.
McCarthy, Joseph (1952). McCarthyism: The Fight for America: Documented Answers to Questions Asked by Friend and Foe. The Devin-Adair Company. ASIN B0007DRBZ2. )
- ↑
She was born in the Soviet Union in 1896. On August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy stated, "She [Montague] worked for the Amtorg Trading Corporation.
The testimony before three different committees is that only top
members of the Communist Party could work for Amtorg." McCarthy also
stated that, "...5 or 6 of the officers of Amtorg were picked up about a
year ago and charged with espionage. Under pressure from the State
Department they were allowed to return to Russia." As usual, McCarthy
was correct about both Montague being a security/loyalty risk and about
Amtorg being a front organization to further the expansionistic goals of
the Soviet Union. Amtorg Trading Corporation
is an American company based in New York that was founded in 1924 by
the Soviet Union to serve as its buying and selling organization in
trade between the USSR and the USA. It handled the bulk of
Soviet-American trade until 1935, and continues to exist today. Working
as an Amtorg employee served as a convenient cover for Soviet spies,
such the Soviet spy, Morris Cohen.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9707. U. S. Government Printing Office.
The American Legion (1937). ISMS: A Review of Alien Isms, Revolutionary Communism, and Their Active Sympathizers in the United States, Pages 85-87. The American Legion, Indianapolis. ASIN B000KIJS6Y. )
- ↑
On January 29, 1952, Senator McCarthy outlined the charges against Nash,
who had been a Presidential advisor in the Franklin D. Roosevelt and
Truman administrations. McCarthy stated that this matter was "developed
by the F.B.I." and that Nash "had been in close contact with the
Communist underground in Washington D.C."; that he had been a close
friend and associate of a convicted Canadian Communist; that Nash had
"contributed to the support of the Canadian Tribune, the official
organ of the Communist Party in Canada"; that during the early 1940's
some of the Canadian spy ring were using his home in Toronto as a
meeting point and that some of them were living there; and that in the
early 1940's Nash "was attending Communist meetings and had officially
joined the Communist Party." In an interview with Jerry N. Hess on May
15, 1969, Nash essentially confirmed the essence of these charges, yet
Nash was never adversely affected by these issues. Nash had worked in
the Office of War Information beginning in 1942.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
Congressional Record, (January 29, 1952). Page 581. U. S. Government Printing Office.
Hess, Jerry (May 15, 1969). Oral History Interview with Philleo Nash. Truman Presidential Museum and Library. )
- ↑ FBI Silvermaster file Vol. 58, pgs. 107 - 110 pdf.
- ↑ Vol. 65, pgs. 155 - 156 pdf. August 1946. Notes contact between Nash and Louise Bransten in January 1944. Bransten was the mistress of San Francisco KGB Rezident Grigory Kheifets who made initial contact with J. Robert Oppenheimer in the home of Bransten on December 6, 1941.
- ↑
On August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Osnatch as his Case #81. At
the time of McCarthy's original investigation, Osnatch was not yet a
citizen of the United States. At the time of this speech, it was not
clear if she had gotten her citizenship papers or not. McCarthy stated
that, "She worked for the Russian Embassy in Turkey for 3 years. Then
with the Russian Welfare Society, and so forth. One of the significant
things here, of course, is that the Russians do not hire people in their
embassies unless they are Communists." So, what McCarthy was making
clear in this speech was that only committed Communists are employed
with Soviet agencies. Why an assumed Communist was allowed to work for
the U.S. government was yet another mystery that the Truman
administration would not explain.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9707. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
Posniak was submitted to the Tyding's Committee by McCarthy as Case
Number 77. An F.B.I. agent and an F.B.I. informant reported that Posniak
was a member of the Communist Party. On November 15, 1950, the State
Department contacted the Loyalty Review Board that Posniak "elected to
resign rather than accept suspension pending investigation and
adjudication of certain charges bearing loyalty."
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2. )
- ↑
On August 9, 1951, McCarthy stated, "He [Raine] is tied up, in the
letter of the charges, very closely with Robert T. Miller, who has been
identified under oath several times as a Russian espionage agent."
McCarthy was making a close association to Miller who he himself had
been identified by former Soviet operative, Elizabeth Bentley
in her 1945 FBI statement. Again, it was incumbent upon the State
Department to investigate these serious allegations yet did nothing
about them.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9708. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑ FBI Silvermaster file, "Underground Espionage Organization (NKVD) in Agencies of the United States Government", Vol. 23, pgs. 55 - 272 pdf, February 21, 1946. Includes alphabetical index at end. In the later part of February 1946, the FBI transmitted to Secretary of State George Marshalll a 194 page Report based upon Soviet defector Elizabeth Bentley's
deposition three months earlier entitled, "Underground Espionage
Organization (NKVD) in Agencies of the United States Government."
Preliminary investigations and other information in Bureau files gave
support and credence to the providential value of Bentley's serious
allegations. Bentley had been assigned a covername by the FBI,
"Gregory," and the highly secret investigation was referred to by
investigators as "the Gregory Case." State Department internal
investigators provided a list of questions to the FBI for the
confidential informant to answer. The Statement requested information
about Philip and Alice Raine. Bentley, who worked out of New York,
responded the names were entirely unfamiliar (pg. Vol. 96, pg. 87).
Philip and Alicia Raine subsequently were developed as leads by FBI
investigators in the Washington field office while surveilling the many
contacts of Mary Jane Keeney.
- ↑ FBI Silvermaster file, Hoover letter to Secretary of State George Marshall, Vol. 96, pgs. 85 -90 pdf, March 10, 1946.
- ↑ FBI Silvermaster file Vol. 77, pgs. 133, 135, 201 pdf, September 1946.
- ↑
Just like Arpad Erdos, Gertrude Cameron, Nelson Chipchin, John Tipton Fishburn, Stella Gordon, Myron Victor Hunt, Franz Leopold Neumann, Sylvia Schimmel, Frances M. Tuchser on August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Ross as being one of the individuals that he had given to the Tydings Committee
a year earlier. McCarthy submitted to the Senate, Ross, as yet another
example of a clear security risk who was currently in the
loyalty-security channels in the State Department. There was no
explanation from the State Department as to why Ross remained in
loyalty-security channels for such a lengthy period of time. In the
meantime, Ross, like Cameron, Fishburn, Chipchin, Erdos, Gordon, Hunt,
Neumann, Schimmel, and Tuchser, was able to carry on his activities
despite concerns about his loyalty and security clearance.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9708. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
Just like Arpad Erdos, Gertrude Cameron, Nelson Chipchin, John Tipton Fishburn, Stella Gordon, Myron Victor Hunt, Franz Leopold Neumann, Frances M. Tuchser on August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Schimmel as being one of the individuals that he had given to the Tydings Committee
a year earlier. McCarthy submitted to the Senate, Schimmel, as yet
another example of a clear security risk who was currently in the
loyalty-security channels in the State Department. There was no
explanation from the State Department as to why Schimmel remained in
loyalty-security channels for such a lengthy period of time. In the
meantime, Ross, like Cameron, Fishburn, Chipchin, Erdos, Gordon, Hunt,
Neumann, and Tuchser, was able to carry on her activities despite
concerns about her loyalty and security clearance.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9708. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑ FBI Silvermaster file Vol. 61, pgs. 74 -79 pdf; Hottel to the Director, "Just Lunning," July 18, 1947. Discussion between Mary Jane Keeney
and Sylvia Schimmel about Just Lunning, who would become Schimmel’s
supervisor at the State Department. Sylvia Schimmel complained to Just
Lunning she was not being given meaningful work at the State Dept. due
to Schimmel's work for the Political Action Committee. Just Lunning had
links to William T. Stone, V. Frank Coe, Philip Dunaway, David Wahl, Donald Wheeler, Allan Rosenberg, Bowen Smith, and Edward Fitzgerald. Mary Jane Keeney had innumerable contacts in the CPUSA underground espionage apparatus which included Greg Silvermaster, Helen Silvermaster, Sergey Kurnakov, Joseph Bernstein, Frederick Field, Maurice Halperin, Haakon Chevalier, Richard Bransten, Laurence Todd, William Ullman, and Robert Miller.
Much of the Silvermaster file is devoted to surveillance reports on
them. Mary Jane Keeney had served in the occupation of Berlin while at
this time her husband, Philip Keeney
was serving in Japan. Mary Jane Keeney was seeking to join him there.
The FBI and State Department officials were moving to prevent this, and
to have Philip recalled from his position with the occupation forces.
Mary Jane Keeney had turned to Sylvia Schimmel for assistance with her
passport problems.
- ↑ FBI Silvermaster file Vol. 65, pg. 51 pdf.
- ↑ FBI Silvermaster file Vol. 96, pg. 78 pdf.
- ↑
Schumann was a consultant for the State Department but not as an
employee. His job was to lecture and train State Department employees
who were subsequently to be placed in sensitive posts. In this capacity,
out of 57 instructors, only three, Schumann, Edward Acheson (Dean's
brother), and Communist Owen Lattimore were not government officials. According to the House Committee on Un-American Activities,
Schumann was a member of over 50 Communist front organizations. In
1932, Schuman supported the Communist Party ticket for President.
Schumann wrote a pro-Soviet book titled, Soviet Politics at Home and Abroad
that appeared just before the State Department enlisted him for his
help in helping out orient the Foreign Service officers. While Schumann
declined an invitation to the Tydings Committee
in order to address charges against him, the Committee, as with other
cases, showed no interest in determining why pro-Soviet lecturers were
being utilized by the State Department and who was doing the hiring.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
(
Herman, Arthur (1999). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Congressional Record, (December 19, 1950). Page 16747. U. S. Government Printing Office.
McCarthy, Joseph (1952). McCarthyism: The Fight for America: Documented Answers to Questions Asked by Friend and Foe. The Devin-Adair Company. ASIN B0007DRBZ2. )
- ↑
Accused by McCarthy of being a security and loyalty risk. Between the
years of 1942 and 1945, Service submitted memos to the U.S. State
Department supporting the Chinese Communists and Mao and advocated that
the U.S. destroy Chiang Kai-shek.
According to Senator McCarthy, "Service was named by the U.S.
Ambassador to China as one of the men who was serving the cause of
Communism in China. He asked the President to remove Service. He said
that this man's actions are not good for the United States, they are
good for Russia. While in China, Service, in secret recommendations to
the State Department, urged that the Communists were the only hope for
China. On June 6, 1945, Service was arrested by the F.B.I. for, "having
transmitted, without authority, classified documents to the editors of Amerasia,
a Communist magazine". Service had in effect turned over to a known
Communist, not only State Department documents, but also secret military
information. In December of 1951, Service was fired from the U.S. State
Department, "as a result of an adverse finding as to his security
qualifications by the Loyalty Review Board of the Civil Service
Commission."
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Klehr, Harvey and Radosh, Ronald (1996). The Amerasia Spy Case: Prelude to McCarthyism. The University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-80782-245-0. )
- ↑
Shapley joined at least six Communist front groups during the period of 1939-1941. By the time McCarthy had presented Shapley's case to the Tydings Committee,
Shapley was a member of at least 21 Communist front organizations,
eight of them listed on the Attorney General's list. McCarthy's
documentation clearly showed that Shapley remained associated with at
least ten of these groups even after they were exposed and officially
cited as subversive by multiple legislative investigating committees. In
March 1949, at the "Waldorf Peace Conference", Shapley was Chairman of
the National Council of Arts, Sciences, and Professions, of which even
President Truman denounced as a "tool for Russia and a sounding board
for Communist propaganda". Even so, Secretary of State Dean Achesson
appointed Shapley as a representative of the U.S. and the U.S. State
Department at UNESCO.
So, despite even Truman's concerns, the State Department appointed yet
another clear security risk. As Buckley states in his book, "...a Rider
to the Appropriations Act forbade the paying of funds to a person
actively affiliated with any organization on the Attorney General's
list. And Shapley, according to the evidence before the Tydings
Committee, clearly was such a person." As usual, the Tydings Committee
ignored the facts and only made mention of Shapley's limited association
with the State Department. Once again, McCarthy proved his case but was
brushed aside by the Tydings Committee.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
(
Herman, Arthur (1999). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
Congressional Record, (February 20, 1950). Page 1973. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
Accused by McCarthy as a security/loyalty risk, Stone is McCarthy's Case
Number 46. As early as 1946, the Bannerman Security Screening Board of
the State Department concluded that Stone should be "terminated", that
Stone's "continued presence in the Department is embarrassing...that he
be given an opportunity to resign" and failing to do so should result in
his forced termination "under Civil Service Rule 3." The State
Department failed to act on this recommendation and Stone continued
working in the State Department. Stone was on the Communist controlled
editorial board of Amerasia magazine, recommended fellow Amerasia members to jobs with the U.S. State Department, informed Venona identified Communist and espionage operative, Nathan Gregory Silvermaster
of an adverse security report concerning Silvermaster, was constantly
under investigation as a security/loyalty risk, and was eventually given
the opportunity to resign, which he did in 1952.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2. )
- ↑
Just like Arpad Erdos, Gertrude Cameron, Nelson Chipchin, John Tipton Fishburn, Stella Gordon, Myron Victor Hunt, and Franz Leopold Neumann, on August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Tuchser as being one of the individuals that he had given to the Tydings Committee
a year earlier. McCarthy submitted to the Senate, Tuchser, as yet
another example of a clear security risk who was currently in the
loyalty-security channels in the State Department. There was no
explanation from the State Department as to why Tuchser remained in
loyalty-security channels for such a lengthy period of time. In the
meantime, Tuchser, like Cameron, Fishburn, Chipchin, Erdos, Gordon,
Hunt, and Neumann, was able to carry on her activities despite concerns
about her loyalty and security clearance.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
Congressional Record, (August 9, 1951). Page 9708. U. S. Government Printing Office. )
- ↑
One of McCarthy's numbered cases given to the Tydings Committee.
During his tenure as chief of the Division of Chinese Affairs, Vincent
played an important role in hastening Mao's conquest of China. The McCarran Committee concluded that "over a period of years, John Carter Vincent was the principal fulcrum of IPR pressures and influence in the State Department." Louis F. Budenz
testified in the summer of 1951 that Vincent was a member of the
Communist Party. In December 1952, the Civil Service Loyalty Review
Board found reasonable doubt regarding Vincent's loyalty. In 1953, Secretary Dulles requested Vincent's resignation.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2. )
- ↑
Zablodowsky was McCarthy's Case Number 103. Zablodowsky worked in the
State Department and later as Director of the United Nations Publishing
Division. He admitted to being a member of an espionage ring in 1936
after Whittaker Chambers, on October 23, 1952, gave testimony before the McCarran Committee regarding Zablodowsky's activities.
(
Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc.. ISBN 0-89526-472-2. )
- ↑ Murrow, Edward R. (May 31, 2005). The Edward R. Murrow: The McCarthy Years. New Video Group.
- ↑
Herman, Arthur (1999). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press, page 253. ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
- ↑ Herman, pages 333-337
- ↑ Herman, p. 253
- ↑
Lately, Thomas (1973). When Even Angels Wept. Morrow, page 466. ISBN 0-688-00148-3.
- ↑ Murrow, Edward R. (May 31, 2005). The Edward R. Murrow: The McCarthy Years. New Video Group.
- ↑ Bates, Michael M. (November 15, 2005). Murrow, McCarthy, and the media. Renew America.
- ↑
Bayley, Edwin R. (1981). Joe McCarthy and the Press. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-688-00148-3.
- ↑
Flanders, Ralph E. (March 9, 1954). Activities of Senator McCarthy—The World Crisis. Proceedings and debates of the 83rd Congress, second session—Congressional Record.
- ↑
Flanders, Ralph E. (1961). Senator from Vermont. Little, Brown, 255-257.
- ↑
Flanders, Ralph E. (1961). Senator from Vermont. Little, Brown, 258.
- ↑
Crozier, Barney (September 29, 1979). Vermont Senator's Speech Heralded McCarthy's End. Times-Argus Newspaper.
- ↑
Woods, Randall Bennett (1995). Fulbright: A Biography. Cambridge University Press, 187. ISBN 0-521-48262-3.
- ↑
Flanders, Ralph E. (1961). Senator from Vermont. Little, Brown, 260-261, 267.
- ↑ Flanders, pages = 267-268
- ↑ 44 of the 46 charges were dropped.[3]
- ↑ Censure of Senator Joseph McCarthy (1954) The United States Department of State.
- ↑ Drummey, James J. (May 11, 1987). The Real McCarthy Record. The New American.
- ↑ Coulter, Ann (2004). Treason: Liberal Treachery from the Cold War to the War on Terrorism. Three Rivers Press. pg. 33. ISBN 1-400-05032-4.
- ↑ Goldwater, Barry M. (1979). With no apologies: The personal and political memoirs of United States Senator Barry M. Goldwater. Morrow. ISBN 0-688-03547-7.
- ↑ Brennan, Phil (April 23, 2003). The Left’s Lies That Never Die. NewsMax.com. Retrieved on 2007-06-20.
- ↑ A If Democrats Had Any Brains, They'd Be Republicans - Page 72, Ann Coulter, 2008
References
- Bates, Michael M. (November 15, 2005). Murrow, McCarthy, and the media. Renew America.
- Bayley, Edwin R. (1981). Joe McCarthy and the Press. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-688-00148-3.
- Brennan, Phil (April 23, 2003). The Left’s Lies That Never Die. NewsMax.com.
- Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent (1954, 1995 Printing). McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing Inc. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
- Cohn, Roy (1968). McCarthy. The New American Library, Inc. ASIN B000KIR8FC.
- Communist Control Act of 1954 U.S. Statutes at Large, Public Law 637, Chp. 886, p. 775-780.
- Coulter, Ann (2004). Treason: Liberal Treachery from the Cold War to the War on Terrorism. Three Rivers Press. ISBN 1-400-05032-4.
- Drummey, James J. (May 11, 1987). The Real McCarthy Record. The New American.
- Evans, Medford (1970). The Assassination of Joe McCarthy. Western Islands. ISBN 0-88279-217-2.
- Executive Sessions of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee On Investigations, Transcripts (2003). U.S. Government Printing Office.
- Fox, Jr., John F., FBI Historian, (Presented at the 2005 Symposium on Cryptologic History, Washington, D.C., 10/27/2005). In the Enemy’s House: Venona and the Maturation of American Counterintelligence. U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation.
- Goldwater, Barry M. (1979). With no apologies: The personal and political memoirs of United States Senator Barry M. Goldwater. Morrow. ISBN 0-688-03547-7.
- Haynes, John Earl and Klehr, Harvey (2003). In Denial: Historians, Communism, & Espionage. Encounter Books. ISBN 1-59403-088-X.
- Herman, Arthur (1999). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
- Kazin, Michael (1998). The Populist Persuasion: An American History. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-801-48558-4.
- Lately, Thomas (1973). When Even Angels Wept. Morrow. page 466. ISBN 0-688-00148-3.
- McCarthy, Joseph (1961). America's Retreat from Victory: The Story of George Catlett Marshall. American Opinion (Reprint Series). ASIN B0007EKWVQ.
- McCarthy, Joseph (1953). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950-1951. U. S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
- McCarthy, Joseph (1952). McCarthyism: The Fight for America: Documented Answers to Questions Asked by Friend and Foe. The Devin-Adair Company. ASIN B0007DRBZ2.
- McCarthy to Truman 11 February 1950, telegram.
- Morgan, T. (Nov./Dec. 2003). Judge Joe: How the youngest judge in Wisconsin's history became the country's most notorious senator. Legal Affairs.
- Operations of the MGB Residency at New York, 1944-45
- Reeves, Thomas C. (1997). The life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography. Madison Books. ISBN 1-56833-101-0.
- Rusher, William A. (1968). Special Counsel. Arlington House. ASIN B0006BUY2M.
- Utley, Freda (1951). The China Story. Chicago, H. Regnery Co. ASIN B00005VL2B.
- Wicker, Tom (2006). Shooting Star: The Brief Arc of Joe McCarthy. Harcourt, Inc. ISBN 0-15101-082-X
- Woods, Randall Bennett (1995). Fulbright: A Biography. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-48262-3.
External Links
- America's Retreat From Victory, by Senator Joe McCarthy.
- Murrow, McCarthy, and the media. Renew America.
- Executive Sessions of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee On Investigations, Transcripts. (2003). U.S. Government Printing Office.
- FBI Venona file
- Silvermaster File Summaries
- Joseph McCarthy: Address To The Chicago Irish Fellowship Club (listen online)
- Joseph McCarthy FBI FOIA File, 4,296 pages.
- Joseph McCarthy Papers, Marquette University Library
- McCarthyism: Waging the Cold War in America, by M. Stanton Evans, Human Events, 05/30/1997. Updated 05/08/2003.
- See It Now, Edward R. Murrow report on Senator McCarthy. (March 9, 1954). CBS-TV. Retrieved on 8/21/07.
- See It Now, Senator Joseph R. McCarthy's Reply to Edward R. Murrow. (April 6, 1954}. CBS-TV. Retrieved on 8/21/07.
- Oral Interview with Ruth Young Watt,
Chief Clerk, Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, 1948-1979.
United States Senate Historical Office. Retrieved from www.senate.gov
24 June 2007.
Thrown under the Bus by Eisenhower
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